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SEBASTIAN CABOT.

John and Sebastian Cabot.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE,

WITH DOCUMENTS.

BY FRANCESCO TARDUCCI.

TRANSLA TED FROM ITALIA!?

BY HENRY F BROWN SOX

• 3 > > > • » ) ) !l

->->-)■>' > I

DETROIT:
H, F BROWNSON, PUBLISHER,

33 and 35 CONGRESS STREET, WEST.
1893.

-CA

r*.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year Eighteen Handred and Ninety Three.
BY HENRY F. BROWNSON.
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

The original edition of this work in Italian is published at the
charge of the Royal Commission of National History of Venice.
This translation is authorized by that Commission as well as by
the Author.

A comparison of the translation with the original publication will
show that they vary in some places. In every instance of the sort,
the variance has been suggested or authorized by Professor
Tarducci, and will be conformed to in the next Italian edition.

The Author's letter of Dedication shows how he was led to write
this story of the Cabots; and points out the propriety of such work
after the publication of his "Life of Christopher Columbus," and the
seasonableness of the work as his contribution to the Festivals now
celebrating in honor of the great Genoese and the discovery of
America.

Next in time, as in importance, to the discovery of the Bahamas
and West Indies by Columbus, was the discovery of the northern
part ot America by the Cabots. I may he pardoned for adding
that the latter discovery must be regarded by the historian as
infinitely more beneficial to mankind than the former.

These two discoveries, the fir*! by a Genoese, the second by Vene-
tians, transferred the control of the world's commerce from Genoa
and Venice to the Iberian peninsula and the British Isles. Genoa
and Venice gave birth to the heroes wh»se achievements were to

250257

iv translator's preface.

strip them of the glorious rank they had previously enjoyed, and
raise two other states to the pinnacle of greatness, where they vied
with each other in ingratitude to their great benefactors.

The importance of the discovery of John Cabot, and its con-
tinuation by his son Sebastian, can hardly be over-estimated. It is
nothing derogatory to the glory of Christopher Columbus, who
must ever be honored as the greatest of discoverers, to say that John
Cabot preceded him in the attempt at trans- Atlantic discovery, and
although San Salvador was discovered nearly two years before the
English possessions were, Cabot would have succeeded had Colum-
bus never lived.

Nor does it amount to any thing to say that the discovery to the
north would have been the inevitable result of European acquaint-
ance with the West Indies; for it is equally true that the discovery of
these and of all south would have followed the discovery of "New-
foundland." Cabot had been for years looking for land to the west,
led by a course of reasoning similar to that which influenced Co-
lumbus, and had Columbus never lived, would have been Columbus.

Columbus and Cabot looked for a land of gold and spices. Colum-
bus found the lands rich in precious metals, and the result there
has been four centuries of cruelty, slavery, and oppression, of des-
potism and anarchy. Cabot found a land whose only wealth was
in the cod-fish that swarmed on its coasts; but that land became
the cradle of liberty and justice, of resistance to tyranny and oppres-
sion, the refuge of the enslaved and down-trodden of every clime.
The world, humanity, is better, nobler, happier, for the discovery
made by Cabot; has any real benefit to mankind resulted from the
lands south of us ?

Let not this be taken as casting any slur on the character or senti-
ments of Christopher Columbus. What happened was against his
will, and in spite of all he could do to prevent it. Cabot was, appar-

ently, a man of his times. Columbus was above and beyond all
times. No pent-up notions contracted his heart ; his aspirations
were sublime; his affections as broad as the universe. The man who
wrote, as Columbus did in one of his letters, "I say that the Holy
Ghost works in the Christian and in the Jew ; in the Moor and in
every one in every religion;"* may have lived in the Fifteenth
Century, but his soul is at home in the Nineteenth.

Columbus sought for a new world that the Gospel might be made
known to millions who had never heard the glad tidings of salva-
tion; and for gold that he might subsidize hosts for the delivery of
the Holy Land. The Cabots sought to discover unknown regions
for the sake of the discovery and the extension of commerce and
geographical knowledge.

The untiring industry of our author in the examination of the rec-
ords and documents has enabled him to fix the date of the dis-
covery of the American Continent by John Cabot and his sons as
June 24, 1494. His acuteness in historical criticism has established
the Venetian nationality of both John and Sebastian; the discovery
by Sebastian of Hudson Strait, Hudson Bay, and Fox Channel. He
has successfully defended Sebastian Cabot from the only serious
charge ever brought against him, and given a faithful portrait of
him as a leader who may have made a mistake in his policy towards
the mutinous officers he was obliged to take with him on his expe-
dition of 1526 ; but was always just and fair, and only deficient at
times in the severity he should have exhibited. This expedition, in
the light of the new documents used by Tarducci, takes on quite an-
other aspect than it previously presented.

It is further claimed for Sebastian Cabot that to him is due the

* Let not Columbus, nor the present writer be misapprehended. There are
other workings of the Holy Ghost besides that of sanctifying grace.

VI TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.

commercial greatness of England ; and if so, of course also that of
the United States,

Sebastian Cabot, moreover, was the first to propose, and to at-
tempt to solve the great problem of the north-west passage, — a prob-
lem which may yet remain unsolved till the next century; but to
which we owe some of the most sublime examples of heroism and
endurance the human race can boast of.

Columbus stands on a solid pedestal as the greatest of the world's

discoverers, but Tarducci claims for the Cabots a rank above all

others except Columbus himself, and it is most conformable to the

fitness of things that the same author should have written the life

of all three.

Detroit, Jan. 16,1893.

H.F. BROWNSON.

To THE

COUNTESS GABRIELLA SPALLETTI,

Rome.
Most Noble Countess :

As the Centenary Festival of the Discovery of America is near at
hand, I have pondered much what I could do to take an active part
in it, it seeming to me that, after writing the Life of Christopher
Columbus, I was almost under a moral obligation to be something
more than a mere spectator. After much reflection I resolved
to write about the Cabots. I saw plainly that the task was serious,
and one that might well affright greater ability than mine ; but the
subject entered so opportunely, or rather so rightfully, into the
Festival, that its seasonableness overcame my hesitation. In fact, the
Cabots were the first to discover the mainland of America, less than
two years after Christopher Columbus's discovery ; so that, after
the great Genoese, no one has an equal claim to be remembered
and celebrated at these centenary Festivals. I set myself therefore
to work with all the vigor I am capable of; and all the time which
the obstinate malady of my eyes allowed me to employ, and which
the occupation of teaching left me free from the duties of the
school, I have dedicated to the Story of the Cabots. Nor has
the difficulty of the path, great as it has been, ever lessened my
zeal or tired my energy while I had it ever in view to arrive in
time and not fail to make some contribution to this Festival. I had
already travelled a great part of my way, and the hope of finish-
ing all began to become a certainty, when an unforseen difficulty
threatened to render useless all my care and labor. In the scarcity of

Vlll DEDICATION.

documents on the Cabots, it was most important for me to have
the records of the suit against Sebastian Cabot, which are preserved
in the Spanish archives, and never published nor studied by any
one, and a few other documents, either known only by name, or
erroneously known, which are kept in the same archives. My anxiety
to procure copies of them, or at least to know somewhat fully their
contents, was as great as their importance. But wherever I turned to
knock, I found people too busy to attend to me. I thus found myself
on the point of either giving out my work sadly defective, or putting
off its publication indefinitely. The former I would not do, and
the latter was painful to me. But in a happy moment I thought
of you and of your many connections and 1 wrote to you explaining
my case. You took the matter to heart, and soon afterwards 1 re-
ceived beautiful copies of the coveted documents.

Now, then, that I reach the bank at last, and present to the
Public my history of the Cabots, such as it is, it is right that I
should place your name in front of it, for you have been in a certain
fashion a colaborer in my work. I know that what I present you is
too little, but the Poet said : *

"I give thee all, I can no more.
Though poor the offering be. "

But though my book lack the merit that would make it a worthy
offering to a polished and noble Lady, I trust that the attestation
it bears of my gratitude will render it acceptable in your eyes.
Piobbico. August 1, 1892.

Your most Dev. and Obt.

FRANCESCO TARDUCCI.

* " Ne che poco io vi dia da imputar sono;
Che quaato io posso dar tutto vi dono. "

CONTENTS.

Translator's Preface iii

Dedicatory Letter, , vii

CHAPTER I.

PAGE

John Cabot's Native Land, 1

CHAPTER II.

Venice.— Its Relations with England. —Voyages of the People of the North
in the North Seas. — Youth of John Cabot.— His Endowments of Mind and
Heart, 29

CHAPTER III.

The First Discovery of 1494, 39

CHAPTER IV.

What Point in North America it was that John Cabot first discovered in
1494 —Attempt to deprive him of the honor, 50

CHAPTER V.

The First Letters Patent.— Expedition of 1497, 64

CHAPTER VI.

The second Letters Patent.— Preparations for the expedition of 1498,
—John Cabot's Death, . 73

CHAPTER VII.
Sebastian Cabot, 78

CHAPTER VIII.
Expedition of 1498, 90

CHAPTER IX.
A Period of Obscurity, Hi)

CHAPTER X.
Sebastian Cabot passes to the service of Spain, 116

11 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XI.

PAGE

Sebastian Cabot back in England, 121

CHAPTER XII.

Sebastian Cabot discovered the Strait and Bay which were afterwards
named from Hudson, 128

CHAPTER XIII.

Return to Spain, 138

CHAPTER XIV.

Repeated attempts to rind a passage through the new lands of America to
reach the eastern shore of Asia.— Magellan. — Resentment of Portugal
against Spain on account of his voyage 147

CHAPTER XV.
Sebastian Cabot put at the head of an expedition to the Moluccas, 151

CHAPTER XVI.
Sailing of the expedition, 161

CHAPTER XVII.

Continuation of the voyage, 177

CHAPTER XVIII.
Exploration of the River La Plata, 196

CHAPTER XIX.
Diego Garcia, • • •"

CHAPTER XX.
Cabot's Return to Spain, 226

CHAPTER XXI.

Arrival in Spain » • • ^45

* CHAPTER XXII.

Return to England, 361

CHAPTER XXIII.
Project of navigation to the N<>t th-East, .272

CHAPTER XXIV.
Expedition to the North-East, . . . . • . . . • 283

CHAPTER XXV
Sebastian Cabot's Death, ... » .... 808
Appendix « .313

JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER I.

John Cabot's native land.*

August 11th, 1472, the senate of Venice, Nicholas Trono
Doge, conferred citizenship of Venice, by virtue of a new natur-
alization law, on one Luigi Fontana of Bergamo. Many others,
after Fontana, obtained the same Venetian naturalization, but
in their case the secretary of the senate instead of register-
ing the whole decree each time, merely recorded that the same
privilege as to Fontana was granted to such a one on such
a day and year : simile privilegium factum fait provido viro etc.
(Among the names so mentioned we find that of John Cabot for
the year 1476, and this is the first appearance of that name in
history. f|

The naturalization conferred by Venice, not considering or-
dinary citizenship which had its special duties and rights, was
of two sorts, one inferior, called de intus, the other greater, and
called de intus et extra: both had to be voted by the senate. The
citizenship de intus only admitted to certain inferior employ-
ments and the exercise of certain rights within the city; that of
intus et extra extended also to all the rights of a Venetian
citizen outside of Venice. John Cabot received this latter

* S<-e Appendix 1.

f Simile privilegium factum fuit Joanni Caboto sub duce suprascripto 1476.

1

2 •■■■■ • ' '■' ' .' •••■ : THELfFK'OF JOHN CABOT.

and by unanimous vote on March 28, 1476.* To acquire this
citizenship, besides services to the Republic, only two condi-
tions were at that time requisite, namely, uninterrupted resi-
dence in Venice for 15 years at least, and to have borne during
that period the burdens and imposts of the Venetian govern-
ment, f

But whence did he come ? where was he born ?

Till within a few years this question had not aroused the
curiosity of the learned ; and as the few documents concerning
him spoke of him as a Venetian, he was always called so
without further inquiry. The question was started by a
document discovered by a Prussian, G. A. Bergenroth in the
archives of Simancas.J This document is a cypher despatch
wThich Don Pedro de Ayala, Spanish ambassador to the Eng-
lish court, sent to his sovereigns July 25, 1498, informing
them of the discovery made by the English of certain islands
and continents, encroaching, as he believed, on the rights of
Spain. Now Ayala in his dispatch calls the discoverer of
these islands a Genoese like Columbus, and in two other places
where he mentions him, he calls him a Genoese. The discoverer
of whom he is speaking is John Cabot. Later, the searches
of Henry Harrisse brought to light from the same archives
two despatches of Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, another Spanish
ambassador to England, in which John Cabot is also given
as a Genoese. Moreover, he is likewise called a Genoese in
some English chronicles, which words had escaped the atten-

*1476 die 28 Martii, Quod fiat privilegium civilitatis de intus et extra
Joanni Caboto per habitationem annorum xv. juxta consueturn.De parte 149. De
nou O. Nou sinceri O. This document is taken from the records of the Vene-
tian Senate, series called Senato-Terra, as relating to the government of the
main-land, and commencing in 1440. It was first published by Romanin,
Storia Documentata T. iv. p. 453.

t Quicumque annis xv. vel inde supra, Venetiis coutinue habitasset ;
factiones et onera nostri dominii ipso tempore subeundo a modo civis et
Venetus noster esset.

i Simancas isji small city in the province of Valladolid, in tjie castle of which
the Spanish archives are kept, not only those of the Peninsula and the adjacent
islands, but also those of the former Spanish states in Flanders, Italy, and
Portugal.

VENETIAN CLAIM. 6

tion of historians until Bergenroth's discovery started the
question as to the native land of John Cabot.

The learned Prussian's discovery was joyfully received by
the patriotic Ligurians who labored with praiseworthy zeal
to find further support for the vague assertions of the Spanish
ambassadors and the English chronicles. On the other side,
the Venetians, who had always before been proud of John
Cabot as a fellow-countryman were not idle, but wiped the
dust off charters and documents to combat the pretensions of
Genoa and confirm their own claims. But the result of the re-
searches was not satisfactory to the zeal of either side. At Venice
tradition would have him born in an insignificant place called
Castello, peopled mainly by sea-faring men, and the zealous
inhabitants inscribed this tradition on a stone for the infor-
mation of strangers ; but it had no better or older con-
firmation than an anonymous article in a Venetian journal of
the last century containing these words : "It is the constant and
undoubted report that he was a Venetian, and we are able to
assert that he was born at Castello."- Carlo Bullo patriotically
claims for his own Chioggia the honor of being the cradle of
John Cabot, but only his love of his own country could have
discovered any argument or indication in support of his claim ;
for here too all depends on the authority of an anonymous
writer in an annual of 1786, who says : "Cabot, a Venetian,
born at Chioggia discovered North America for the English."!
What proof do these anonymous writers bring of their
assertion ? None whatever.

Federico Stefani expressed a doubt that the name Caboto
was originally written Cha' Botto or Ca Botto,^: which would
be a strong proof that he was a Venetian, for this cha' or
ca', an abbreviation of Casata (house or family), is very com-
mon in Venetian surnames, as may be seen in the historic sur-

* Minerva, a Venetian journal, 1763, cited by Pasini. 1 Navigatori al Polo
Artico, Venezia, 1880.

f C. Bullo, La Vera Patria diNicolbae* Conti e di Giovanni Caboto, Chioggia,
Duse, 1880.

% See Archivio storico di Venezia — Essay by Rawdon Brown. Venezin,
Antonelli, 1865, p. 143.

4 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

names, Ca'da Mosto, Ca'da Pesaro, and also in those of many
city families. The doubt is ingenious, and if it could be sup-
ported by any instance of ancient spelling it might be of
some weight in favor of Venice, but no such instance can
be found.

The investigation has, then, been wholly fruitless, so far as
concerns Venice.

On the part of Genoa, the most pains-taking investigator
has been Cornell o Desimoni, but at the conclusion of his
labor he was forced to confess that he had unfortunately been
able to find nothing.* Reducing the matter, then, to simple
induction, he is inclined to look for the birthplace of John
Cabot in Savona, because he finds in that city two surnames,
one not very dissimilar to, the other very like that he is
in search of, namely, the patrician family of Gavotto, and the
plebeian Cabuto. The former furnished masters of ships in
the very days of John Cabot ; the second can be traced back
in the history of Genoa as far as the XII century under the
name of Cabutius or Cabutus ; and contemporary with John
Cabot there were several persons named Cabvito, amongst
others one Sebastian. Again we meet a Sebastian Cabutus
in the XVI century, f This repetition of the name Sebastian in
the same family would not be without weight in our case, as
one of the three sons of John Cabot was also called by that
name, considering the custom then and now, and much
more then than now, of renewing in families from generation
to generation the names of those who have gone before. And
not only at Savona but also in many other parts of Liguria,
^re found surnames more or less resembling Caboto, and even
at Port Maurice the same surname is sometimes met with.J

*"It will naturally be asked if any trace can be found in our documents of
such events, persons, and families. Unhappily we have found nothing, or the
same as nothing. Still here are at least some hints of family names." From
the Qiornale Ligustico. Anno 1. Sugli Scopritori Genovesi, p. 314. Id. Intorno a
Giovanni Caboto, Genovese, Document!, etc. Genova Istituto dei Surdi-Muti,
1881.

•f- Id. Sugli Scopritori Genovesi, p. 314—316.

% "We have documents proving that the family of Caboto (written precisely
as John used to sign it) exists in Port Maurice from the year 1252 and down

Genoa's claims. • 5

But similar, and even identical, surnames are found in
every part of Italy, even in places the farthest apart, without
any presumption of relationship. Harrisse has found in
notarial acts 115 Columbuses all living in the XIV and XV
century at Genoa and in its environs ; and amongst them
were several with a father Domenico and a grandfather Gio-
vanni, precisely like Christopher Columbus : and yet, in spite
of the concordance of date and the identity of baptismal name,
not one had any degree of consanguinity with Christopher
Columbus.* And this is easily explained when we remember
the arbitrary and loose way in which surnames were formed in
the middle ages, f And even if this argument based on the
similarity of surname were valid, it would not help us much,
for surnames resembling Caboto, are not wanting even in
the dogeate of Venice;}: and a single one would invalidate the
argument in favor of other places.

So that it is clear that this argument, unaccompanied by
others to support it, can be no guide in the obscurity through
which we are passing.

Some seem to have found a strong basis for Genoa's claims
in a dispatch from Raimondo da Soncino, the Duke of Mil-
an's ambassador to England, who when writing to his mas-
ter of the return of John from his voyage of discovery,
among many other things reports that the discoverer "has
given an island to a certain barber of his from the neighbor-
hood of Genoa." § By barbers, at that time, not only the vul-
gar, but even the law meant the lower class of surgeons. || But
that possessive pronoun his sounded to their ears as though
it had been his fellow-countryman, and therefore they made

through an uninterrupted series of Generations as far as the end of the XV
century." G. Doneaud, I Caboto di Porto Maurizo in the Provincia, a weekly
journal of Port Maurice, 19 Nov. 1881. In the number for Nov. 26, the
author cites in support notarial instruments of 1252, 1276, and 1434.

*Jean et Sebastien Cabot, par Henry Harrisse, Paris, Leroux, 1882, p. 12.

t See my article Sui Sopranomi, in the Rassegna Nazionale, Anno ix. Fi-
renze, Cellini, 1888.

% See Bullo, 1. c. p. xxx.

§ See App. xiii.

| See Desimoni, Intorno a Giovanni Caboto etc., p. 37.

6 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

John born in the Ligurian Castiglione, a small hamlet in the
neighborhood of Chiavari.* But such interpretation of
the pronoun his seems to me too arbitrary ; nor did any
one ever, on hearing a man speak of his servant, suppose
him to mean that the servant was born in the same place as
himself.

Since, then, the most diligent research has failed to con-
firm or refute the generic assertions of the two Spanish ambas-
sadors and the English chronicles cited, there is nothing left
but to examine these assertions by themselves and determine
what force they have or may have. To do this it will not only
greatly help us, but it is even necessary to hear the others first
who say John Cabot was simply a Venetian, giving the name
of his adoptive country, without regard to the place of his
birth.

First comes John himself, in his petition to the King of
England March 5, 1496, — " To the King our sovereign lord.
Please it your highnes. . . to graunt unto John Cabotto citizen
of Venice. "f The King follows the same in the letters patent
granted in conformity with the petition : " Be it known and
manifest that we have given and granted to our beloved John
Cabotto Citizen of Venice and his sons, etc. "J Next comes Lo-
renzo Pasquahgo, a Venetian merchant settled in Bristol who
was present when John Cabot returned from his discovery, and
witnessed the great demonstration made in his honor by the
English. Writing of which immediately afterwards to Venice
he not only calls him repeatedly a Venetian, but takes note
with the lively pride of a fellow-citizen of the honor paid to the
flag of Venice. "This Venetian of ours is come. . . and is with his
Venetian wife . . . and planted on the lands he discovered a
greatHhwith an English standard and one of St. Mark,he being
a Venetian, so that our ensign has been carried far."§ Don Rai-

*M. d' Avezac, Les Navigations terre-neuviennes deJean et Sebastien Cabot, in
the Bulletin de la societe de geographie, Tome xviii, Paris, 1869.

f See Appendix xv.

f'Notum sit et manifestum quod dedimusetcoUcessimus...dilectis nobis Jo«
hauni Cabotto, civi Venetiarun etc. filiis dicti.. .Johannis." See Appendix v,

§ See App. x.

CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS. *

mondo da Soncino ambassador of theDuke of Milan toEngland,
also wrote at once to the duke, and in his dispatch gives the
discovery as made by a Venetian : — "Item the King's Majesty
had sent a Venetian some months ago."* And writing again on
the 18th of December of the same year, he continues to speak
of him in the same manner : "There is a popular Venetian in
this Kingdom named messer Zoanne Caboto."f

The King of England grants fresh letters patent February
3, 1498, in which, and in the address which precedes them,
John is always called a Venetian citizen : "Please it your High-
nesse ... to graunte John Kabotto Veneciane . . . We
graunte to our well beloved John Kabotto Venician. . ."+

The documents mentioned are all from contemporaries who
knew John Cabot personally and spoke wTith him, and wrere
all written in his life-time. To these I may add the wTords of
Sebastian Cabot, which, though written many years after the
death of John, still, as those of his son, may be considered as
contemporary. Sebastian, in his chart of 1544, near the newly
discovered land placed this inscription : "This land was dis-
covered by John Cabot Venetian. "§

In the documents, then, which have reached us and in the
public and private charts, all the contemporaries and acquaint-
ances of John Cabot call him a Venetian. The only excep-
tions to this rule beginning with an unknown merchant and
continued by ambassadors and ministers and the king himself,
are the two Spanish ambassadors. Was it accidental, or was
there a reason for it ? If accidental, it is not worth discussing :
if there was a reason, it should arise from the conditions of the
times, the facts, or the persons. Let us then briefly recall
these conditions, and let the necessity be an excuse for antic-
ipating mention of events which must be told over again
later at greater length.

After repeated attempts John Cabot had discovered a new

* See App.xii.

+ See App. xiii, % See App. xiv.

§ "Esta tierra fue descubierta por Juan Gaboto, Veneciano, y Sebastian
Caboto su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro Salvador Jesu Cbristo de
mccccxciiii."

8 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

land, and applied to the King of England, in reliance on this
discovery, for license and privileges for further voyages and
discoveries. Henry VII consented and on the 5th of March 1496
granted the letters patent asked for. Spain at this time was
all eyes to guard against a surprise being attempted from any
side against the privileges the bull of Alexander VI gave her
over all discoveries made or to be made beyond the line of
partition fixed by that pope himself.* It was therefore natural
that Puebla, her ambassador to the court of England, as soon
as informed of the negotiations of John Cabot with Henry
VII, should at once report them to his government. This re-
port he sent on the 21st of January 1496, that is to say, forty
days before the letters patent received the royal signature. So
great had been his watchfulness to learn and make known the
result. Puebla's dispatch is unfortunately lost, but its loss so
far as concerns the present question is supplied by the answer
of the Spanish sovereigns, which undoubtedly according to
the custom of all state offices repeated in reply the very words
used in the dispatch. Now the Spanish chancery made this
answer : "As to what you say that one like Columbus has gone
there to put England on an undertaking like that of the In-
dies. . .'f This shows clearly that Puebla, when writing his
dispatch, wholly intent on the danger threatening Spain, had
so little in view the person of the discoverer that in order to
indicate him he uses the most general and vague expressions
and only says one; "One has gone there like Columbus," etc.
And in fact what difference did it make in the danger to
Spain whether he was an Englishman, or a foreigner in the
service of England ? What was important for the ambassador
to make known, and for Spain to learn, was that an expedition
like that of Columbus was preparing for the discovery of new
regions for the benefit of England. The name of the leader
of the expedition was so little important to be known, that it
could very well be omitted entirely without at all diminish-

*Fernando Colombo. Historie, c. xlii.— Hen-era, Hist. Ind. Dec. 1. lib. xx.
c. 4. — Navarrete, Coke, Dipl. xxiii.

f" Quanto a lo que desis que alia es yda won como colon para poner el Rey
de Inglaterra en otro negocio como el de las yndisis. . ." See App. vi.

TUEBLA's DISPATCHES. 9

ing the danger or importance of the matter. And to have
called him one without any addition of country or nation, is
equivalent to omitting him altogether. But do not the words
like Columbus, hint from what part he came ? Not at all :
they simply mean that the discoverer wished to do for Eng-
land what Columbus had done for Spain, and it is easy to un-
derstand that this comparison would occur at once to the
writer's mind when the purport of the dispatch was precisely
to prevent any one from entering, to the injury of Spain, on
the way opened by Christopher Columbus.

But the pressure and solicitation of Spain had no effect, and
John Cabot continued on his road of discovery. During the ex-
pedition of 1498, Puebla writes again to his sovereigns : and in
this dispatch the expression which he uses to designate him,
while remaining just as uncertain as to the person of the dis-
coverer, is a little more definite as to the place from which the
discoverer came : and where he at first had simply said "One
like Columbus," he now says, " Another Genoese like Colum-
bus."* Did this addition drop casually from Puebla's pen without
any attention on his part, or did he write it with deliberate pur-
pose ? Let us first examine the second supposition. As to the
fact itself of the discovery and of the danger to Spain, we
have seen that it was not affected one atom either way by the
person of the discoverer ; Puebla could then have had no
motive for the addition on this account. Was he led to make
it by any reason which he saw in the person of the sovereigns
to whom he was writing ? What did it matter to Ferdinand and
Isabella whether that discoverer was a Genoese or a Venetian ?
The motive then must be looked for in the person of Puebla
himself. But what could it have been ? To defend this
honor for Genoa ? But what glory for Genoa was the dis-
covery made by John Cabot in face of that of Chris-
topher Columbus ? And to Puebla, a Spaniard, what mat-
tered the glory of Genoa ? It was not zeal of patriotic
affection. Was it a pedantic itching for historical accuracy ?

* El Rey de Inglatcrra embio cinco nans armadas coii otro genoms como colon
a buscar la isla de Brazil." See App. xv.

10 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

It is ridiculous to think so. Puebla's interest in determining
accurately the person of the discoverer was so great that he
never mentions his name or surname, but calls him simply
another Genoese. And if we had not learnt fiom other docu-
ments that the author of the discovery reported by him to his
sovereigns was John Cabot, with all his dispatches we should
still be ignorant who this other was who was put by England
on the same career as Columbus. And even admitting that
Puebla, contrary to the common practice of calling him a
Venetian, had wished to designate his true country, what
could history gain from the accuracy, if the dispatch was in
cypher and was to remain buried in the archives and hidden
from all eyes ? Was Puebla, again, a man to trouble him-
self about these historical minutiae, ? The little we know of
him shows him to have been venal, grasping, and niggard
to a degree hardly credible of one in his high position.*
Such are not the kind of persons to busy themselves
with historical sweepings. — But he was in close relation
with the Genoese merchants in London, and might have
had from them exact information about Cabot. — His relation
with the Genoese is very true, but the only document that
records it shows that its purpose was to fill his coffers
with gold, not historical research. f And in regard to these
Genoese merchants, we saw a short while ago a Venetian mer-
chant writing at once to Venice to give notice of the dis-
covery and relating it with great satisfaction as conferring
glory on his country. Is there any record of any Genoese
writing about it to Genoa ? And yet amongst those merchants

* See in Bergenroth's Calendar of Spanish state papers (vol. i, No. 206, 207,
p. 166), the petition of the Spanish merchants against him, and Dr. Breton's let-
ter—From H. Harrisse, 1. c. p. 19.— Puebla was accustomed to visit the
English court very often. One day King Henry asked his court if they knew
why Dr. Puebla came, and they replied, "to eat." lb. Rep. from London, no.
204, 207.

fThe Genoese merchants had incurred a certain penalty, and employed Puebla
to procure their discharge. He obtained their pardon, but demanded 500
crowns for recompense ; whereupon the Spanish merchants were greatly
shocked and denounced him to the commissioners sent in 1498 to inquire into his
conduct.

11

there were some of great merit, so much so that the King of
England employed them on diplomatic missions to the Pope
and to the King of France.* So that they were persons well
fitted to understand the importance of the discovery made
by John Cabot, and the glory that resulted from it for
Genoa, if that was his country. — It may be answered that
not finding any document recording it is no proof that it
never occurred. That is very true; but we can find the dispatches
of Don Raimondo da Soncino, ambassador of the Duke of
Milan to England. And as Genoa was at this time under that
duke, Soncino was naturally in closer relation with those mer-
chants than any other diplomatist : and if any ambassador
was likely to be interested in announcing that Cabot was
a Genoese, it would be Soncino who in writing to his duke was
relating the glory of one who would have been his subject.
But we have seen that Don Raimondo in both his dispatches
calls him a Venetian : and it is noteworthy that in the second
he not only reports having conversed personally with Cabot,
but also gives a long summary of the discourses he had heard
from him concerning his plans for further voyages and dis-
coveries. There was no want of opportunity for him to hear
from the very mouth of John the real fact about his country,
and he had a most natural occasion to mention the matter
where he relates that Cabot had promised an island "to a cer-
tain barber of his from the neighborhood of Genoa." Would not
this name have recalled at once to his mind that Cabot too was
a Genoese ? But, instead, he always speaks of him as a Venetian,
a popular Venetian, f

When a man has come to England as a Venetian citizen,
has for 18 years enjoyed in the Venetian colony the benefits
granted to Venetians by treaties and conventions, has never
presented himself in public or in private but in the legal
garb of a Venetian, and was known wherever he went as a
Venetian, why should a man like Puebla, contrary to the cus-
tom and opinion of everybody else, call such man a Genoese ?

We may revolve the matter over and over, but we shall not
discover why. There only remains, then, the other supposition

* See Rawdon Brown, Calendar, n. 785, 789. \ See App. xii, xiii.

12 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

that it was merely by accident that Puebla attributed to
John Cabot a Genoese nationality, and it does not seem to me
hard to discover and explain how this happened. It was in
his second dispatch of 1498 that he added the adjective Genoese,
whereas in the first of 1496 he had said indefinitely one. Now
it should be said that Puebla at this time lay under most se-
rious charges. The most select portion of those he represented,
the merchants, had presented a report against him to the
Spanish government, which regarded the case as important
enough to send out a commission of inquiry into his life and
conduct. Meanwhile another ambassador was associated with
him, on pretext of aiding him in the dispatch of business ; but
the fact was clear to every one, as following close on the charges
that until things were explained, no confidence was placed
in him.* Now it was in such state of feeling that Puebla in-
formed his government of John Cabot's new departure.
The dry brevity of the dispatch shows that the writer's mind
was not on the matter, but he felt obliged by his charge to say a
word of it. He wrote, then, that one like Columbus was
leaving with a squadron for new discoveries ; and since this
one was not an Englishman, but came like Columbus from
Italy, without distinguishing the different provinces, but
hurriedly announcing the fact, and as the Italian of Spain
was a Genoese, he called the Italian of England also a Genoese.

How then about the dispatch of the other ambassador, Don
Pedro de Ayala, where not once only, but three times John
Cabot is called Genoese ? This was not a dispatch written in
haste and almost in spite, as Puebla's evidently was, but is a
long letter with many details and minute information.

Before answering this question, let us see who Ayala was
and what were his duties.

Don Pedro de Ayala was the ambassador associated with
Puebla when the charges preferred against the latter had de-
termined the government to inquire into their truth. It is
superfluous to say that the two ambassadors were crabbed
enough to each other, and had only that intercourse together

*See Bergenrotk's Calendar of State Papers, 1. c. As regards the associate
ambassador we shall speak presently.

ayala's dispatch. 13

which their official relation demanded : Ayala despised his
colleague, who repaid him with hatred. When John Cabot
left on his new voyage Puebla thought it his duty to report it
to his sovereigns, and wrote his laconic dispatch. Whether
Ayala considered his colleague's account too meagre, or
wanted to exhibit his superior usefulness, he gathered infor-
mation concerning the voyage and its leader, and taking his
colleague's letter, to the strictly necessary notice which this con-
tained he added all the less important information he had
gathered, which, although it might not be of any great interest
to Spain to know it, bore witness to the zeal with which
Ayala served his sovereigns. I say, taking his colleague's letter,
for he repeats it in his own word for word, and the only dif-
ference in the two is that Puebla wrote drily such details as
were absolutely necessary, and Ayala repeats each of these de-
tails accompanying them with such information of secondary
importance as he had been able to gather. A brief comparison
will show that this was really the case.

Puebla says : Ayala repeats :

"The King of England sent "The King of England has
five armed ships with another armed a fleet for the purpose
Genoese like Columbus to seek of examining certain islands

for the island of Brazil and and mainland the dis-

neighboring places : they were coverer is another Genoese

provisioned for a year." like Columbus the fleet

was composed of five vessels
with provisions for a year."
Puebla goes on : Ayala :

"They say they will return "Considering the course they

in September. Considering the take I find that the

course they take, I find that the place they have found or are
place they are seeking is a part seeking is a part of what be-
of your Highnesses' posses- longs to your Highnesses by
sions." the convention with Portugal.

Their return is expected in
September."
Puebla continues : Ayala repeats :

"The King has spoken to "The King has spoken to

14 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

me of this several times ; he me of this several times : he
hopes to derive very great hopes to derive very great
profit from it : I believe it is profit from it : I believe it is
less than 400 leagues from here less than 400 leagues from
to those places. "* here to those places." f

Puebla's letter is here given entire; the dots here and there in
Ayala's show where he had inserted further information, — pre-
cious indeed to us who want the whole history of Cabot, but
utterly worthless to Spain which was solely impressed by the
fact of the discovery.

Is it not clearly evident that Ayala in writing his dispatch
had before his eyes that of Puebla, and repeated not only the
thoughts, but the very words ? Then, so far as the present ques-
tion is concerned, Ayala's dispatch is only a duplicate, and as
such has and can have no weight as authority. Puebla, in speak-
ing of the English discoverer, had used the expression "another
Genoese like Columbus" and Ayala repeats the expression
without a syllable's change. Nor can it be supposed that he had
had time or opportunity to inquire as to the true country of
John Cabot, for he had only recently arrived in England, his
permanent office being that of Ambassador to King James IV
of Scotland ; and since he had been in England, we know from
Soncino, his most frequent and intimate conversation was with
him.J So that his most natural and convenient source of infor-
mation would have been Soncino, who, as we have seen, always
calls Cabot a Venetian. And whatever furthur details con-

* " El Key de Inglaterra embio cinco naos armados con otro Genoves como
Colon a buscar la isla de Brazil y las vicinidades ; f ueron proveydos por un aiio.
Dicen que seraxi venidos para al el Septiembre, vista la derrota que llevan
hallo que lo que buscau es lo que voestras Altezas poseen, el Re me ha fa-
blado algunas vezes sobrello espera haver muy gran interesse. Creo que no
hay de aqui alia CCCC leguas." See App. xv.

t " el Rey de Inglaterra ha fecho armada para descubrir ciertas islas

y tierra firme el inventador es otro genoves como Colon Del

armada que hizo que fueron cinco naos f ueron avitallados por un ano ....
vista la derrota que llevan hallo que es lo que hart hallado o buscan lo que
vuestras Altezas poseen . . . sperase seran venidos para el Septiembre. ... El
Rey de Ynglaterra me ha fablado algunas vezes sobre ello. . Espera aver muy
gran interesse. Creo que no ay quatro cientos leguas." See App. xvi.

X See Rawdon Brown, Calendar vol. i, n. 780, 783.

TITE ENGLISH CHRONICLES. 15

cerning Cabot are furnished by Ayala all concern him as dis-
coverer, that is, he speaks of his activity, his genius, his in-
fluence with the seamen of Bristol ; but has not a syllable in
regard to him personally as an individual. Each of the three
times when he has occasion to mention him, he never uses his
name or surname, but always indicates him by the general
term Genoese, which he had found in Puebla's dispatch.

The authority of Puebla is therefore of no force in the pres-
ent question; that of Ayala, of none.

Let us come now to the chroniclers.

The English chroniclers of the first half of the XVI century
never mention the name of Cabot : as neither, for that matter,
do they mention the name of Christopher Columbus or
Americo Vespucci.*

To them the New World and the voyages to it and the dis-
coveries there do not seem to have existed. This silence ceases
in 1559, in reference to Willoughby and Chancellor's voy-
age to the east by way of the northern seas. The tragic end of
the brave Willoughby was probably the reason of their record-
ing it rather than the importance of the expedition itself.
This expedition, as we shall see, was principally the work of
Sebastian Cabot, the son of John, and the chroniclers who re-

* Not to be continually repeating the citation I give notice here, once for
all, that in the few remarks on these chroniclers I follow Harrisse's exposition
in his Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 15 et s., and often translate his words literally.

This work of Harrisse and Biddle's Memoir are the two greatest works
written on the history of the Cabots. But neither author intended to give a
complete work on the two voyagers. Bat the different questions thev under-
took to examine they investigated with much depth and learning Harrisse,
for instance, treats at great length on the first period of the Mstory of the
Cabots, but skims over the last period of Sebastian's residence in England, and
hardly mentions his thirty years' service in Spain.

Harrisse's work is divided into four parts : the first examines, as I said, the
history of the Cabots ; the second treats of the cartography of the first half of
the XVI century ; the third gives a chronology of the voyages to the north of
Cape Breton from that of John Cabot to John Urdaire's in 1550 ; the fourth
collects the richest appendix of documents that had so far appeared concern-
ing the Cabots. A bibliography of the history of the Cabots is added at the
end.

How much I have availed myself of these two authors is shown by the
frequent references to their names and works.

16 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

late it, show the very important part which he had in it. Thus
the Epitome of Chronicles in the third edition which was pub-
lished in that year, 1559, in the second part when relating the
expedition of Willoughby, says : " In this meane whyle there
were three noble shippes furnyshed for the great adventure
of the unknown viage into the easte by the north seas. The
great encourager of this viage was Sebastian Gaboto, an Eng-
lisheman borne at Bristow, but a Genoways sonne." Ten years
later, in 1569, the chronicle of Richard Grafton appeared, and
in that also we read : "About this time there were three
noble ships set forth and furnished for the great adventure of
the unknown voyage into the east by the North seas. The great
doer and encourager of which voyage was Sebastian Gaboto an
Englisheman borne at Bristow,but was the sonne of a Genoway."
Thirdly come the chronicles of Raphael Holinshed, repeating
word for word that " About this time there were three notable
ships set forth and furnished for the great adventure of the un-
known voyage into the east by the north seas. The great doer
and encourager of which voyage was Sebastian Gaboto, an
Englisheman, born at Bristow,but was the son of a Genowaies."

It is remarkable how freely the old chroniclers copied one
another without giving the source of their narrative. But even
if it were a very rare occurrence, could there be the least doubt
that these three accounts have the same origin? — that, Grafton
copied from the third edition of the Epitome, or that Holin-
shed copied either from that edition, or from Grafton's chron-
icle, which is the same thing ? Consequently the whole import-
ance and authority of the account rests on the third edition of
the Epitome of Chronicles. Now, let us see what that is, and
what credit it deserves.

The Epitome of Chronicles is only the chronicle of Thomas
Lanquet or Lanquette, continued down to the reign of Eliza-
beth.* The first edition of this chronicle appeared in 1549,
and naturally makes no allusion to an event which happened
in 1553, and in reference to which the name of Sebastian Cabot
is introduced. The second edition came out in 1554 a year

* Thomas Lanquet lived from 1521 to 1545.

THE EPITOME OF CHRONICLES. 17

after that event, but no copy of this can be found.* The third
edition, bearing the title Epitome of Chronicles, was published
at London in 1559, by Robert Crowley. It is divided into
three parts ; the first gave Lanquet's chronicle, the second re-
produced the part added by Thomas Cooper in 1549, and the
third contained the new addition made by Crowley, f The
words referring to Sebastian Cabot are found in the second
part, written by Bishop Cooper. Immediately after the
publication of the Epitome, Cooper himself gave a new
edition, which was the fourth, of Lanquet's chronicle, with the
continuation he had made to it, and again printed it,
the fifth edition, in 1565. Now, in -both the fourth
and the fifth edition, Cooper relates the voyage of 1553
with the same details that are found in the third edition
published by Crowley ; but, in giving the name of the
principal author and promoter of it, he says simply that it
was "Sebastian Cabot," without one syllable as to his or his
father's nationality. How was this ? Cooper himself gives
us the explanation of it ; for in both the fourth and fifth edi-
tion he protests against every sort of alteration, by omission
or addition, which Crowley had made in his work for the edi-
tion of the Epitome of Chronicles. "Wherein," he says, " as I
saw some thynges of myne lefte out and many thynges of
others annexed . . . greatly blame their unhonest dealynge,
and openly protest that the Edicion of this chronicle set
foorth by Marshe and Ceres in the yere of Christ 1569 is none
of myne. . ." Thomas Marshe was the publisher, William Seres
the printer of the Epitome.

Consequently the Genoese nationality which the English

* La seconde edition est de 1554. Nous n' avons pu la trouver dans les bibli-
tbeques, Harrisse. p. 23.

t An Epitome of Chronicles, conteyniuge the whole discourse of the histories
. . .of this realme of England. . . first by Thomas Lanquet, secondly. . . by
Thomas Cooper, . . . thirdly. . . by Robert Crowley. Anno 1559. Loudini, in
aedibus Thomas Marshe, imprinted at London by William Seres, — Robert
Crowley, born in the first 15 years of theXVI century, deceased in 1588, wap
at once publisher, bookseller, poet, controversialist, and preacher of the Re-
form, of which he was one of the most zealous apostles. — Thomas Cooper was
first a physician and afterwards a bi>hop ; born about 1517, he died in l&M.

2

18 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

chronicles bestow on John Cabot is the personal assertion of
Crowley, an assertion not only unsupported by documents, but
which he accompanies with a falsehood, attributing it to
Cooper who had not made it, but twice denies it. Now, what
confidence can be put in a man's assertion, who so disingenu-
ously lays his hand on another's work, alters it at pleasure, and
deceives us in giving us as the testimony of a third person
what is nothing but his own caprice ?

But why should Crowley have made the false assertion ?
The cause is clear. Sebastian Cabot was an English subject by
adoption, but it was not so clear as the English would have
wished that he was born in England and not brought from
Venice in his infancy. Now, Crowley, with his free way of mak-
ing history say whatever he thought it ought to say, when he
came to the place where Cooper's chronicle mentioned Sebas-
tian Cabot, boldly added that he was of Italian descent, but
born in England: but in designating the province from which
his father came, as Genoa was at that time in everybody's
thoughts in relation to discoveries on account of Christopher
Columbus, carelessly, like Puebla before him, wrote Genoa in-
stead of Venice for Italian in general. The error, in Biddle's
opinion, wTas a very natural mistake of a contemporary in
view of the fame of the Genoese Columbus.* If any one, reject-
ing all suppositions however reasonable, claims Crowley as
authority in history, let him tell me where Crowley learnt that
Sebastian Cabot was of Genoese descent. Certainly not from
the Spanish dispatches ; for these were shut up in the ar-
chives of Spain ; nor from English, Spanish, or Italian writers,
for not one had said so before himself. The conclusion seems
to me so natural that I shall spend no more words on the
matter.

Now comes Stow, and here the question is more diffi-
cult to solve. Richard Hakluyt, in his Divers Voyages
touching the Discovers of America, published in 1582, in-

* "The very phrase'a Genoa's son,' employed to designate Sebastian Cabot,
may be considered as the not unnatural mistake of a contemporary, referring
as it does to the country of Columbus, with whose fame all Enrope was ring-
ing from side to side." Memoir, p. 44 — 45.

THE ENGLISH CHRONICLERS. 19

serted a memoir which he preceded with a notice that it was
"taken out of an old chronicle written by Robert Fabyan,
some time Alderman of London, which is in the custody of
John Stowe, citizen, a diligent searcher and preserver of an-
tiquities."*

The Memoir begins thus : This yeare (1498) the King (by
meanes of a Venitian .... caused to man and victuall a
shippe."f

The same author subsequently published his great col-
lection of all the navigations and voyages of discovery made
by the English in general : and in the second edition, pub-
lished from 1598 to 1600, inserting the same passage taken
from Stow where at first he simply had "by meanes of a Ven-
etian," now says, "by meanes of one John Caboto, Venetian ;"
that is, instead of the vague indication of nationality, it de-
termines the name and surname of that Venetian. Had Hak-
luyt inadvertently omitted that name in the first collection,
or did he bodly insert it of his own head in the second ? Let
us delay answering this question for a moment.

Stow's collection was also published after his death, and
there we find the same narrative precisely as it is given by
Hakluyt ; but in the single point where the two editions differ
as we have pointed out, Stow's collection is at variance with
both. It says : "This yeare one Sebastian Gavoto a Genoas
sonne borne in Bristow . . caused the king to man . . "\ It
is clear that the original account of the old chronicle has been
falsified. By whom ? Before answering, let me briefly recall
to the reader's memory who Hakluyt and Stow were, for a
knowledge of their persons and characters may aid us to take
a few steps in the obscurity of this question.

* It is useless to go into the question whether the chronicle from which Stow
obtained this extract really belonged to Robert Fabyan or not. For information
on that point the reader is referred to the defence made by H. Harrisse (1. c.)
against Biddle (Memoir, 1. c). What is important is to know that it was very
old, and the source of the narrative is contemporary with the navigation of
which it treats. As to this all agree.

+ See App. viii.

X See App. ix.

20 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

Richard Hakluyt, born about 1553, and deceased in 1616,
was the greatest writer and collector of memoirs relating to
the voyages and navigations of discovery made by the Eng-
lish in the northern seas. Learned in ancient and modern
languages, professor of naval history, in active correspond-
ence with Ortelius, Mercator, and all the principal mathema-
ticians and astronomers that could aid him by their
learning, he was the highest authority in England on mat-
ters of navigation, and not only individuals, but cities and
navigation societies applied to him for advice. As to his
collection, it is still amongst the best, not of England only,
but of the whole world. The appreciation of the English
for this collection, especially of navigators and discoverers,
is shown by the facts that in his life-time Bylot, who had
Baffin for his pilot, gave the name of Hakluyt to an island
in Baffin's Bay; Hudson whose name is borne by the great in-
land sea of North America, called a cape of Spitzberg after
Hakluyt whilst he was still living ; and finally during his life-
time also, a river discovered by English navigators in 1611
near Petschora was called by his name.*

John Stow was born of poor parents about 1525, and
brought up to the tailor's trade. For forty years his life was
passed among needles and thread, but in the few leisure hours
which his trade allowed him he had always been a fond
reader of legends, chronicles, histories, and all that told of
the times that were past. By such reading he grew to be so
attached to old memoirs that when about 40 years of age, he
threw down his needle, devoted himself to collecting them
and followed his new profession with the faith and enthu-
siasm of an apostle. Short of means, he made long journeys
afoot to hunt over and ransack colleges and monasteries, and,
no matter how worn and torn might be the rags of old papers
which he found, he kept all, reviewing, connecting, copying,
comparing, annotating with truly wonderful ability and
good sense. Arrived at fourscore years, and no longer capa-

* Hakluyt Island in Baffin's Bay is at 77° 25' N. and 64° 20' W.— Cape Hak-
luyt lies in 79° 47' N. and 60° 51' E.

THE ENGLISH CHRONICLERS. 21

ble of earning a livelihood, he applied to the king, and
James I, consenting to his petition, granted to the man who
had saved treasures of memoirs for English history, the fa-
vor of wearing a beggar's garb and asking alms at church-
doors ! In this abject state, forgotten and despised, he died
two years later in 1605.*

Which of the two would be likely to lay his rash hands on
the old chronicle attributed to Fabyan, the learned Hakluyt,
or the devoted Stow ? — Both ; and each in good conscience
according to the different point of view from which he re-
garded the matter. Let us begin with Stow. It must be re-
membered that Sebastian Cabot's fame always stood high in
England, but precisely because his splendor was so great, it al-
most eclipsed the name of John, his father. Even now we see
English writers remarking the fact, that many do not even
know that there were two Cabots and the glory of their dis-
coveries is divided between them and not given all to Se-
bastian, f Would it be a hazardous supposition that Stow, like
so many others, confounded the two persons under one name ?
I cannot believe so, when I reflect that he was running here
and there in search of old papers and memoirs among moth-
eaten rubbish and on dusty shelves; and that the name of John
Cabot, after all the search that can be made, only appears in
England in the royal patents of Henry VII, and carefully
preserved and guarded in the state records, to which the
learned and famous Hakluyt could have free access, but the
poor and despised Stow would not have had if he had asked
it, which he certainly did not.

Stow, then, had before him an old account of a discovery
made by the English in the time of Henry VII, under the
lead of a foreigner, whose name and surname were not given.

John Strype, Life of John Stow, London, 1720.
f "Familiar as is the name of Cabot to all who are acquainted with the his-
tory of maritime discovery, it is not, perhaps, so generally known that there are
two of the name, John and his more celebrated son Sebastian, between whom the
credit of the discovery loosely attributed to 'Cabot' must be divided." Edward
Cheney, Notices concerning John Cabot and his son Sebastian, Preface, London,
1856.

22 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

That they were not given is not a supposition, but an
assertion, and this is its basis. In the British Museum,
among the manuscripts of the Cotton collection, there is
an old anonymous chronicle which relates the same fact which
Stow has given us under the name of Robert Fabyan.* Now
the two chronicles are so completely alike, not only in the sub-
stance of the fact, but in the language almost word for word,
as to prove without any restriction that they are both from
the same source. The reader may satisfy himself of this with
his own eyes by turning to them in the Appendix and com-
paring them one with the other, f But the Cotton manuscript,
in the place where Stow has put Sebastian Cabot, says simply
"a stranger Venetian." As the account which Stow gives
us under the name of Fabyan agrees with that in the Cotto-
nian collection in every thing else, it should also on this point.
If any extrinsic proof were needed to confirm the justness of
this reasoning, we have such proof in Hakluyt's account as
he gives it in his first collection where he puts simply "a Vene-
tian," as does the anonymous writer in the Cottonian col-
lection. But Hakluyt got his account from Stow ; therefore
the memoir furnished by the tailor had in the original the
words "a stranger Venetian." How then did Stow, when in-
serting this memoir in his collection, come to make so ma-
terial an alteration? Harrisse has pointed out how it must have
occurred. Stow, in his collection, immediately after the frag-
ment of which we are speaking and which was taken from
Robert Fabyan's chronicle, inserts another fragment from
Humphrey Gilbert's discourse, in which Sebastian Cabot

* It bears the title : "Chronicon renim Angliae et series maiorum et vice-
comitum civitatis London ab anno primo Henrici tertii ad annum primum Hen-
rici 8." The writing belongs to the first years of Henry VII. See Harrisse, 1. c.
p. 33.

f "Les premieres lignes rappellent tropi' extrait de Fabyan tel quelle donne
Hakluyt dans son edition de 1582 pour ne pas y voir le prototype du recit
attribue" au digne Alderman (It. Fabyan) Harrisse, p. 33—34. And further on :
"Les mots . . . dans 1' extrait du manuscrit cottonien et dans celui de
"Robert Fabyan tel quel le rapportent John Stow et Richard Hakluyt, obligent
la critique a reconnaitre que ces trois extraits se ressemblent trop pour ne pas
provenir de la mSme source." — See and compare App. vii — viii— ix.

THE ENGLISH CHRONICLERS.

23

is spoken of and mention made of an English expedition
led by him to the north-west in the time of Henry VII: that
is to say, to the same place and at the same time as the voy-
age related by Fabyan.* Stow supposed the two writers were
speaking of the same expedition : and as Fabyan says that the
expedition was led by a foreigner from Venice, and Sir
Humphrey gave the command to Sebastian Cabot, he at once
concluded that Fabyan's "stranger Venetian" was the person
named by Humphrey Gilbert ; and to make Fabyan's account
clearer, in place of stranger he gave the name of Sebastian Ca-
bot. This substitution made, it was a natural consequence
that the word Venetian should give place to the expression
"a Genoas sonne borne in Bristbw ;" for Stow treats of Se-
bastian Cabot on another occasion, and that is when relating
the expedition of Sir Hugh Willoughby, encouraged and
undertaken at his instance. In relating this fact he follows
the account of Crowley who, as we have seen, says Sebastian
Cabot was " borne at Bristowe, but a Genoways sonne. " These
words, by a natural association of ideas, would occur to Stow's
mind when inserting the name of Sebastian Cabot in the ex-
pedition related by Fabyan, and as he had inserted them on
Crowley's authority in the expedition of 1553, he again sub-
stitutes them for the "stranger Venetian" in the expedition
narrated by Fabyan. f Let us come now to Hakluyt, The
memoir which he had from Stow was undoubtedly as we find
it in Stow's collection ; that is, the voyage of which it speaks
is attributed to Sebastian Cabot " a Genoa's sonne." This is
evident from the heading prefixed to the memoir in every
edition of Hakluyt, which is : "A note of Sebastian Cabot's first
discoverie taken out of a chronicle by Robert Fabyan until
now unpublished, in the custodie of John Stow, a diligent
preserver of antiquities. "J These words are in open

* See App. ix. 2nd Part.

t . . . . Stow cherchaat a remedier au vague de P expression "a Venetian"
et voyant par Humphrey Gilbert ( qu'il cite immediatmeut apres, ) que la
decouverte etait attribute a Sebastien Cabot, peut alors avoir pris sur lui d'
interpoler le passage de Fabyan, et ajoute les mots ' 'fils de Geuois" empruutes
a Crowley. Harrisse, p. 33.

t See App. viii.

24 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

contradiction with the narrative given by Hakluyt In fact,
in his first collection he says the expedition was led by "a
stranger Venetian"; in the subsequent, he gives the command
to "John Cabot Venetian." The heading then is not Hakluyt's,
but Stow's. If Stow put Sebastian Cabot's name in the
heading why would he not insert it in the body of the
narrative ? He did so in his collection. And then Hakluyt
must have again altered the memoir received from Stow.
But why ? and on what grounds ? For it is absurd to suppose
that a man like Hakluyt would make history follow his caprice.
Hakluyt had gone deeper than any other Englishman into
the history of those navigations and he knew from other
indisputable documents which he handled, read, studied,
collated, with the greatest care and honesty, that the author
of the voyage related in that fragment was not Sebastian Ca-
bot, and therefore there was certainly an error in the name.
What could he do ? What any one else would have done in
the same case ; that is, ask to see the original to be sure
whether it was correctly copied. And when he saw that the
original had "a stranger Venetian," he replaced in his col-
lection the true reading of the text. The reading he gives
agrees so well with the chronicle in the Cottonian collection
that it seems to me certain that he has given the true reading
of the text which Stow possessed.

Afterwards, when revising his work for a second collection, he
must have believed he would help the reader's understanding
of the story by inserting the name of the "stranger Venetian,"
by which addition, without violating the truth of the text,
he only rendered clearer the general expression of the chron-
icler. And he did so. But why when he corrected Stow's error in
the body of the narrative, did he leave it untouched in the
heading? Because this was not of the slightest importance in
his collection, and therefore he paid no attention to it, but left
it as he found it. If others prefer to suppose that Stow only
changed the heading, but left the text unaltered, it turns out
still better.

The testimony of Stow thus falls to the ground, deprived
of all historical support : and with it falls every argument

VENETIAN NATURALIZATION. 25

for the opinion that would make John Cabot a Genoese. Then
it only remains for history to go back and call him a Ve-
netian, as at first, by virtue of the citizenship obtained from
Venice. But does his obtaining this citizenship prevent us
from believing that he may have been Venetian also by
birth ? Harrisse answers that it is absolutely impossible for
us to do so : and in support of his answer brings a decree
made by the Republic of Venice in 1313. "This year," says
one historian, "extending the privilege of the ancient Vene-
tian Dogeate, it was decreed that whoever, born within the
tract from Grado to Cavarzere, had lived with a fixed resi-
dence in those lands, should be a citizen of the one and the
other class."* Now, says Harrisse, if John Cabot had been born
in any part of the Duchy, by force of this decree, from the
fact of his birth, he would have been a Venetian citizen. If,
then, he applied for naturalization, it means that he came
from outside of the Duchy, f The reasoning of the learned
American would be unanswerable if the decree he brings
forward had possessed in the legislator's mind, and in fact, the
perpetual force of law. But in my opinion it is not so.
To me that decree was a purely transitory arrangement by
which the right of Venetian citizenship was offered
to all who at the time of its publication were already
born within the limits of the republic and had a
permanent residence there. It has nothing to do with later
times. The laws of Venice on this subject of citizenship of
foreigners underwent so many and such frequent changes in
the XIV and XV centuries that it can excite no wonder if we
give a general law like this only temporary force and effect.
Let the reader see a specimen of this facility of change, and
then judge whether it is as I claim, or not. — In 1305, it was
decreed that all children of lawful wedlock domiciled in
Venice for 25 years should be counted as Venetian citizens. ;j:

*Vettor Sandi, Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia t.iillib. vi, cap. 2,
p. 345.

f Jean et Sebastian Cabot. 1. c.

% Vettor Sandi. Principii di Storia civile della Repubblica di Venezia. T. i,
lib. iv, cap. v, p. 813. Cristoforo Tettori, Saggio della Storia civile della
Repubblica di Venezia, T. i, p. 102.

26 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

In 1348, after the great plague of that year, all foreigners were
declared citizens if they were married and settled in the circle
of the city with their family for two years. * In 1391, their
liberality was unlimited. It was decreed that any foreigner
coming to dwell with his family in Venice had only to be
inscribed in the registers of the purveyor of the Republic in
order to acquire at once all the rights of a citizen, f In 1407,
following another plague, the title of citizen was granted to
any foreigner who would marry a Venetian woman and come
and settle in Venice. J

After 1407 there is no record of any change, but it is
certain that there was a change, for the citizenship granted
to John Cabot imposes conditions different from those re-
quired by the laws just mentioned. And if I am right, this
change was made and fixed by the very decree of August,
1472, under which citizenship was conferred on Lodovico
Fontana. Let the reader judge from the beginning of that
decree.

"Nicolo Trono, — By the grace of God, Doge of Venice etc.

"To all and singular the friends and lieges etc.

"By the present writing we wish to make known to you
that amongst the thoughts which we revolve in our mind,
one of the principal is that of treating with great care the
affairs of our subjects and devoted lieges, and securing their
advantage. This adds to the splendor of our authority and our
lieges, seeing our solicitude for them, are strengthened
and increased in their loyalty and devotion to us. Therefore
wishing to reward their merits by favors, we have determined
to establish as follows :

"That any one who has resided for 15 years or upwards
uninterruptedly in Venice and during this period borne the
burdens and imposts of our government, shall be henceforth
our Venetian citizen ; and for ever and everywhere enjoy the
privilege of Venetian citizenship and all other benefits, liber-

* Sandi, ib. T. ii, p. 814.

f Marco Ferro, Dizionario del Diritto comune e Veneto, Tomo iii, p. 189.
X Sandi, ib. T. Ill, lib. vi, cap. 2, p. 345.— Tettori. Ib. T. 1, p. 108,—
Cecchetti, B Doge di Venezia, Venezia, 1864, in 8vo. p. 246.

HIS ATTACHMENT TO VENICE. 27

ties, and immunities possessed and enjoyed by other Venetians
and our citizens. And as Luigi Fontana, formerly from Ber-
gamo, is shown to have resided 15 years we receive him

as a Venetian and our citizen."*

The first part of this decree has nothing to do with any
particular person, but it is wholly impersonal. A general
law is established applying to all who come under its con-
ditions. We have then a real change of the former laws : the
Venetian method of conferring citizenship starts here on a new
path. In fact, the naturalization of Fontana is based on the fact
that he comes under the conditions established in the first
part of the decree. — For all the others that come after him
the chancellor says : Simile privilegium factum fuit in favor of
such and such a one, that is, it is shown that such a one had
the requisites set forth in the first part of the decree, and there-
fore was admitted to Venetian citizenship. — It is consequently
by the rule of this decree alone that the question of John Cabot
must be decided ; previous laws have nothing to do with his
case.

But as regards the mere registering of this decree when the
chancellor signed each case of naturalization, there is a
variation in the registers, which I do not think wTas accidental,
but if I am right, may have an important bearing on the
present question. The chancellor of the Duchy registered the
whole of the decree of August 11, 1472, in favor of Lodovico
Fontana from Bergamo, in the lengthy formula used in Chan-
cery, with all the details of the requisites, burdens, rights, etc.,
which had to precede or followed naturalization. After Fon-
tana, the chancellor gives the names of 16 others on whom
citizenship was conferred under the same conditions, but in
these cases, instead of repeating the decree each time, he says
simply. "Simile privilegium factum fuit provido viro etc./'such
a year. Now of these sixteen, he sometimes mentions the foreign
country from which they came, as was done in Fontana's case ;
and sometimes not. Why this difference? It cannot be said that
the chancellor began in one manner, and then for brevity's sake

♦See App. ii.

28 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

followed the other ; for the two manners intersect one an-
other ; after five with the name of the country comes one with-
out it: then two with, and then others again without: the last
is given again with the name of the country. I regard this as
indicating that those without any name of country were sons
of foreigners, but born in Venice.

Finally I add — and if the argument by itself and unsupported
is a weak one, it must, I think, have great weight preceded
as we have seen by so many inductive reasons — I add that the
little which we know of John Cabot shows him so bound in
affection to Venice, that I cannot imagine him otherwise
than as born, growing, and brought up amidst the memories
of the glories of the Queen of the Adriatic. For so, even from his
earliest years as a suckling in his mother's arms he hearsVenice
talked of; the first conceptions of power, greatness, glory that
are presented to his fancy, are of Venice: the first impressions
deep stamped on his tender heart, come from Venice. As his in-
fant mind gradually opens at school to the first rays of reason,
and as his maturer fancy spreads over newer and vaster hori-
zons it is always in the greatness and glory of Venice that his
spirit moves and is nourished as he learns how far she sends
her fleets, whence she draws her wealth, and how great is \
the number of her ships, her forts, and her soldiers. And
the stories that could not fail to be told of so many
Venetian travellers, continually passing over unknown
lands and seas, opening new regions to men's knowledge,
must have kindled his fancy, not with the delight of
mere curiosity and wonder, but with the enthusiasm of
patriotic sentiment. In Venice he passes these happy
years when life seems all to smile ; at Venice the seal
of love is stamped on his heart, and he forms a family, and
feels for the first time the rapture of being called father. His
first labors are for Venice and writh Venetians, the ships he
goes aboard of, the wares he buys and sells, the ports he sails to,
the merchants he talks with, everything speaks to him of
Venice. So I can conceive how such a man led by the circum-
stances of life to betake himself elsewhere, carries ever with
him the image of his dear city, always present in his thought,

THE COMMERCE OF VENICE. 29

always fixed in his heart : and on the day when he too
shall place his signature on the great book of fame, he will
wish with the sweet tenderness of a son that by the side of his
name shall also be written that of his native land. Such was,
so acted John Cabot. When in 1497 he took possession of the
new land he had discovered, he raised there the banner of
England in whose name he took possession, but together with
that he would have the flag of Venice also raised in triumph.
Why so ? Venice had taken no part whatever in fitting out
that expedition, it could make not the least claim to the rights
or profits of that land, for he sailed in the name of England,
for the sole profit and advantage of England. Why then join
to the banner of St. George that of St. Mark ? There could be
only one reason, to bind the name of his native land to the
glory of that discovery. And who else could feel in his heart
this need — I say deliberately need, for there are moments when
attachment to one's birth-place so fills the heart with emotion
that it must have vent in a record, a word, or a sigh — who
else but one who was Venetian in medullis et visceribus t

CHAPTER II.

Venice — Its relations with England — Voyages of the people of
the north in the North Seas — Youth of John Cabot — His Endow-
ments of mind and heart.

Proceeding in our narrative, we continue in the dark :
and having no direct light, it will be well to make our way a
little clearer by what we can gain from a knowledge of
Venice and its condition at the time of which we are treating.

The fall of Constantinople into the hands of the Turks had
been a fearful blow to the power and greatness of Venice ;
but the blow was still too recent for its effects to be fully seen
and felt : so that she still went on glorious and powerful in

30

THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

the richness of her commerce. Alone of all states she had re-
lations and treaties with every part of the known world; there
was no sea unknown to her vessels, no region not reached by
her wares. From the English and Russians in the extreme
north to the Moors, Hindoos, Tartars, and Mongols in the
furthest lands of the east and south, the earth was all overrun
as with a net of roadways over which Venice sent and re-
ceived her merchandise and merchants.

Every year, as soon as spring brought back the favorable
season, an immense caravan of ships and merchants, partly
on state, and partly on private account, sailed from Venice to
spread over the east and the west, and everywhere they
found their own consuls, privileges, warehouses, even in Siam
and Cambodia. On their arrival they found the wares and
products of other peoples and other lands ready and waiting to
be embarked on the ships of the Venetians, and with and by
them to be distributed amongst the nations. Thus the com-
merce of every people passed through the hands of Venice, she
furnished all the markets, to her flowed in the wealth of all na-
tions.*

In a city where public and private life found the greatest
opening for their activity and energy in commerce and navi-
gation, it is natural that we should find the most diligent and
devoted cultivators of geography. After Marco Polo, justly
named the Christopher Columbus of the eastern regions of Asia,
Venice presents us a series of voyagers and geographers, not
less wonderful for their number, considering the times, than
for the intrinsic value of their voyages and labors. In the first
half of the XIV century, Marin Sanudo, the elder, made five
voyages to Cyprus, Armenia, Alexandria, Rhodes, Ptolemais;
he visited Slavonia, Germany, Flanders, Alsace, France ; a
wonderful extent of country and peoples to one who thinks of
the condition of the roads in those days, and the difficulty and
danger of communication between different countries. He has
left us a valuable book of his travels, rich in notes and obser-
vations, on the customs, laws, and condition of the different na-

* Romanin,5fon*a Docum. iii. 7.

VENICE IN THE XIV. AND XV. CENTURIES. 31

tions he visited, and he added maps representing the Medi-
terranean, the sea with the continent, the Holy Land, Egypt,
etc.*

The following century saw first the two brothers Nicolas and
Antony Zeno coursing, bold navigators and explorers, over
the unknown seas of the north-west of Europe; and next Luigi
da Mosto opening new paths to navigation in the dreaded seas
of the African coast ; while Nicholas de' Conti labored for more
than 20 years to penetrate and explore regions of Asia, either
Avholly unknown, or known only by name. And whilst these
and many others — whom it would take too long to mention
all — were furnishing by their reports a precious treasure of
new information about peoples, places, products, other Vene-
tians, at home, in the silence of their libraries, were studying
to improve and multiply maps and geographical charts,
from the Portolan of the Genoese Visconti, executed at Venice
in 1318 to the marvellous planisphere of Fra Mauro completed
about 1470.

The brothers Pizzagano published in 1357 a Map of the
world as then known ; Marco Trevisani in 1378 gave a sort of
Cosmography in six books; 1426 beheld the hydro-geograph-
ical charts of Giacomo dei Giraldi; 1436 those so celebrated of
Andrea Bianco : and eight years later, in 1444 Pietro Versi
published his Raxon de' Marinieri, followed by his Raxon de
Martoloio per navigare a mente. f

Thus the name of Venice was sounded throughout Europe,
not only as the greatest emporium of commerce, but also as the
first school of geographical knowledge. Thither flocked Flem-
ings, Portuguese, Germans, foreigners of every nation, to learn
of Venetian masters mathematics and navigation, the arts of
cartography and map-coloring. In the judgment of Karl
Hitter, Albert Durer owes mainly to his studies in Venice the

*Agostini Scrittori Veneziani, 1, 440. The title of the book is "Liber Secretorum
Fidelium Cracis super terrae sanctae reeuperatione." Its aim was, as the
title indicates, to arouse Christendom to an energetic crusade, showing how to
conduct it, the roads to follow, the places to attack, products, populations,
etc.

fRomanin, St. Docum, iii. 7. — iv. 450

32 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

wonderful ability shown in his geographical drawings.*
5 It is my conviction, as I have already said, that it was in
these schools that the young John Cabot was brought up to
know and love the sea, and that the education there received
found its necessary complement in practical life amongst the
bold youths who made the name of Venice feared and re-
spected in every land and on every sea. But too great ob-
scurity shrouds the view, and we can only follow him in im-
agination in the dauntless activity of his youth in which he
was training for the great enterprises he carried out in his man-
hood. The only mention of him that we find in this first
period of his life, is made by Don Raimondo da Soncino in
his letter to the Duke of Milan, in which he relates that John
Cabot told him "that he had formerly been in Mecca where
spices are brought by caravans from distant countries, and
when those that brought them were asked where the spices
grew, they replied that they did not know, but these goods were
brought to their country from far-off lands by other caravans
who said they had been brought to them from regions still
more remote, "f These words, few as they are, give us an indi-
cation of the extent of his commercial navigations, and a sure
proof of his desire to look beyond the horizon which bounded
the navigation and commerce of that time.'l

From this extreme limit of the Venetian commercial world
at the end of the Red Sea, history to find John Cabot again takes
us with a rebound to the opposite extremity in the seas of the
North to the ports of England. There were very extensive com-
mercial relations between Great Britain and Venice, and even
in the first half of the XIV century we find mention of Vene-
tian embassies to the rulers of those islands for extending and
securing that trade.:]: There was in England a flourishing col-
ony governed in a republican form by its own consuls and a
council of merchants, among whom were many patricians of

* Die Erdkunde im Verhalfnisse zur Natur and Geschicbte des Menscliens,
Berlin, 1822-54.

f See App. xiii. By Mecca we are not to understand the city proper, but the
neighboring shores of the Red Sea.

\ Roman in, Storia Documentata di Venezia iii 7.

VOYAGES OF THE NORSEMEN. 33

great houses ; whence it often happens that in reading Vene-
tian documents we find patricians designated as of London.*
The loading was done at the city of Bristol, then the first port
of the island. In this city we again find John Cabot from a
mere commercial navigator presented to history as the discov-
erer of new islands and lands. He had settled in England,
as his son relates, bringing all his family with him from
Venice, f In what year this was is unknown, but from some
dates in the life of his son Sebastian, of which we shall speak
further on, it may be settled that it was about 1477.

But here before proceeding to discourse of his work, it will
not be amiss to recall briefly the excitement for navigating
unknown seas and discovering new regions, which at that
time prevailed among men of the sea.

For more than half a century the Portuguese had pressed
forward along the tempestuous coasts of the Atlantic and,
though the results were not very showy, there was yet enough to
magnify the fruit gathered and to strengthen hope for greater
in the future. That there was much discussion of those voy-
ages amongst men of the sea, and their imagination and
heart excited thereby, is proved by the fact of foreigners hast-
ening to those adventures and acquiring in them a fame
that will never perish in the memory of posterity.;):

England then came last of maritime nations, and was wholly
without the circle of the enterprises in which the activity of the
Portuguese was exercised. But the report of what was doing
in the southern seas had a special effect on the fancy of the few
seamen who wandered about the ports of England, owing to
the memory preserved in their traditions of similar attempts

*Agostino Sagredo, in Rawdon Brown's " Preliminary note to the records
of Venice," 1865.

f'Sebastiano Caboto mi disse che sendosi partito suo padre da Venczia gift
molti anni et andato a stare in Inghillerra a far mercantie." Ramusio. See
App. xix. — And Lorenzo Pasqualigo, "e con so moger venitiana, e co so noli
a Bristo." See App xi.

X The reader will perceive that I allude to the Genoese Antonio Usodimnre and
the Venetian Luigi Cadamosto. to whom is due the discovery of the Cape
Verde Islands, which at this time wa<* the most important result that had been
achieved by the expeditions promoted l»y Prince Henry.

3

34 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

by their fathers long before in the seas of the North. The fame of
the achievements in the southern seas must more than ever re-
new this recollection and stimulate by example to beginning
again the interrupted work with greater vigor. For us the
memory of those traditions starts some years later, but there
can be no doubt that the English mariners had always a more
or less lively remembrance of them as a matter closely in-
teresting their imagination and pride, for the more backward a
people is in civilization the more tenacious it is of its oral
traditions, and because in the poverty of relations with other
countries in which England then was there could be no more
acceptable subject of conversation to seamen. If in the course
of time this remembrance faded and was even lost, it was pre-
cisely because more recent voyages and discoveries furnished
vaster and pleasanter themes for their discourse, and the faint
remembrance of ancient deeds is obscured by the splendor of
fresher achievements until by historical research or chance is
restored to the light of day what had long lain buried in
profound obscurity.

Let the reader recall to his memory the adventurous life of
the Normans, or Northmen, who, sustained by the doctrine of
Woden promising Paradise to those slain by hostile steel, issu-
ing with savage boldness from their native shores of Jutland or
Scandinavia, ploughed the seas of the north with their little
fleets, and threw themselves now on this land now on that, rob-
bing and devastating everywhere. On one of these excursions
in 861, Nadod, one of their pirates, driven by the fury of the
winds and tempests to a frightful distance northwards, dis-
covered Iceland.* A colony was at once settled in the new
land and continued in these new seas the same bold course as
they had followed in those of their mother country. The
same chance which occurred to Nadod in 861, was often
repeated in connection with other lands. In this manner one

* Some indentify Iceland with the Thule of the ancients ; others regard
Thule as Mainland, the central island of the Orcades, unwilliugto believe that
the ancients ventured so far north in their voyages. But even admitting that
the ancients knew of Iceland, that could have had no material influence on
Nadod's discovery, all trace of it having been lost.

THE DISCOVERY OF GREENLAND. 35

Erik Raude (Erik the Red) in 983 touched the eastern shore
of Greenland at about 64° of Latitude, and coasting around
its southern extremity (Cape Farewell) he went on to establish
himself in the gulf and fjord of Igaliko on the western coast.*
A colony started here in 985. Sailing thither in the next year
young Bjarn, son of Herjulf one of the founders of the colony,
was driven from his course by a furious storm accompanied
with cloudy darkness. When after a few days the sea was
again calm and the sky clear he found himself in front
of a different land from the one he was seeking. There are
various opinions as to what precise land it was, but it was cer-
tainly a part of North America. Numerous colonists flocked
thither from Greenland, and seem to have increased in popula-
tion and prosperity, f But Greenland, which is represented
as then blessed with a habitable climate, afterwards, from
causes not yet well explained, became unhabitable for
its severe cold and eternal frost. X From this cause, and
from the loss of the fierce energy of the old Normans, every
bond with the old world was broken, and even the memory
of it was lost, so much so that when, at the end of the
XV and in the XVI century, new expeditions from Europe
reached its shores, every one believed that they were then first
brought to the sight of white men. And but for the minute
scrutiny of recent historical criticism, which from the slight-
est indication, can extract materials for rebuilding the past,
nothing would be known of those old adventures. But if all
memory of them was lost to history, it is certain that in the
tales and fancy of the mariners descended from those old
Normans, there must have remained some recollection, even
though wrapped up in legends. And the seamen of Eng-
land were the descendants of the Normans. This is all the
more likely if we consider that from time to time similar cases
to that of the Normans were happening, of ships driven from
their course by the wind and cast on distant shores lost in the
Ocean's immensity. It will suffice to mention the case of An-
tonio Zeno, whose being driven by storm on a little island lost

* G. Gravier, ib. c. iv Yld. ib. c. v. % Id. P. iii. Ch. i

36 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

in the middle of the ocean, became the occasion of the fa-
mous voyages of himself and his brother in the northern seas.
He went again to where the tempest had driven him, and re-
lated his adventures, and voyages, and his and his brother's
deeds and bravery are known to the whole civilized world.
But who shall say how many other mariners that are un-
known may have been in the same case and were afterwards
unable to regain their accustomed harbors and describe to their
comrades the fearful shores they had seen ? Moreover Iceland
certainly retained the memory of the old Norman voyages
and discoveries in the Eddas, religious songs of its bards, and
the Sagas, the traditional legends of its people. Some like
memory of them must have been preserved in England. At the
tale of the Portuguese voyages and discoveries in the southern
seas these traditions would naturally be illuminated with un-
usual splendor to the mind of the English mariners, and
strongly attract them to tempt again the unknown regions of
the northern seas so bravely and fortunately sailed over
by their ancestors.

It was under the impulse of these examples and appeals,
that in 1480 the citizens of Bristol launched a small ship, and
giving the command to the ablest seaman they had, sent it
west of Iceland in search of the island of Brazil.*

The expedition lasted two months, from July 15 to Sep-
tember 18, and returned without any result. The failure of
this expedition seems to have destroyed all their courage for
a new attempt ; for the Spanish ambassador, writing to his
king of the discovery by Cabot, and mentioning the other
attempts made some years before by the men of Bristol begin-

*"I480 die jullij navis . . .et. . . Joh(ann)\s Jay iunioris ponderis 80doliorum
inceperunt viagium apud portum Bristollire de Kyngrode usque ad insulam de

Brasylle in occidentali parte Hiberniae, sulcando maria per et ....

Thlyde est magister scientificus marinarius tocius Angliae, et nova venerunt
Bristolliae die lunae 18 die septembris, quod dicta navis velaverunt maria per
circa 9 (sic) menses nee invenerunt insulam sed per tempestns maris reversi
sunt usque portum. ... in Hibernia pro reposicione navis et mariniorum."

Itinerarium Willelmi Botoner, diet de Worcestre, ms. in the Library of the
College of Corpus Christi at Cambridge.

From Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 44.

HIS EARLY LIFE. 37

ning in 1491, gives all the merit of them, or rather throws all
the blame of them according to his view, on John Cabot.*

At this point we feel more strongly the importance of
knowing what man Cabot was, and how prepared for the
difficulties and dangers of the new path : but he is still sur-
rounded by the obscurity of night. We must be content
with the few marks saved from time's destroying work, and by
their aid represent to our mind approximately what he must
have been. * We have seen at Mecca he first showed his in-
terest in voyages and discoveries by his inquiries from the
merchants of the east. The information then gathered we shall
find him putting to use after many years, and drawing from
it arguments to support his calculations and determine the
course he should pursue to succeed in his discoveries. This
activity of his mind in collecting on all sides proofs and prob-
abilities for the plans he was meditating, is evidence that he
was not an adventurer driven by accident to the career of
discovery ; but an acute and calculating mind ever intent on
seeing and providing for his needs. Soncino calls him "a dis-
tinguished mariner with great ability in discovering new isl-
ands ;f of? fine genius well skilled in navigation.^:" The charts
and spheres composed by him are also mentioned by Soncino,§
and by the Spanish ambassador Pedro de Ayala ;|| the Cot-
tonian Manuscript in the British Museum ;1f and the contem-
porary chronicler Robert Fabyan, or whoever may have
been the author of that chronicle."**

Few as these data are, they show that when John Cabot
started on his voyages of discovery, he had acquired not only
a long experience of sea life, but also a broad and deep prep-

* We shall speak of them presently. f See App xii. % See App. xiii.

§ " Messer Zoanne ha la descriptione del mondo in una carta e anche in una
sphera solida che lui a fatto." lb. xiii.

|| Ayala, App. xiii. " Io he visto la carta que ha fecho el inventador la

carta o niapa mundi que este ha fecho."

1" "A stranger Venetian, which by a cart made himself expert in Knowing
of the world." App. vii.

** "A Venetian, which made himself very expert and cunning in Knowledge
of the circuit of the worlde and ilandes of the same as by a carde .... he
shewed." App. viii.

38 THE LIFE OP JOHN CABOT.

aration of mind for the wants and requirements of his new
caree^

He was poor : Raimondo da Soncino tells us so expressly ;*
and even without his testimony, we should have inferred it
with certainty from the gift of £ 10 which the King of Eng-
land made him after his discovery : for although Henry VII
was miserly beyond all belief, such a present would not be
made to one who was not obliged to count his pennies in
order to live.f In this condition, " a stranger and poor,"
as Soncino calls him, what hardships of toil, journeys, and
repulses, must he have endured before he found any one
to listen to him and advance the means and necessary aid to
carry out his idea of sailing for new discoveries ! The dispatch
of Ayala gives us a slight opening through which we catch
a glimpse of the long and thorny road he must have travelled
before he reached the goal. /aHe has been," says the dispatch,
"in Seville and Lisbon trying to get some one to help him in
this discovery. " £ The words are few, but indicate a great
deal. Let us recall the life that Christopher Columbus had
to lead before he found any one to listen to him ; and our
imagination will be able to depict the vast and sad field of the
toils and disappointments of John Cabot.

It nowhere appears whether his journeys to Spain and
Portugal were before or during his attempts with the citi-
zens of Bristol, and, all data wanting, it is useless to put for-
ward suppositions.

Of his moral qualities, we can only speak of his great
generosity of heart, shown by freely bestowing on his friends
and those who had aided him the benefits which in his
enthusiasm he hoped to gain by his discovery.§ If in this
distribution vanity at finding himself elevated by his dis-
covery to so great importance in the eyes of all had some little
part, there still is shown a great depth of kindness which
prevents his shutting himself up in the haughty pride of his
greatness, but makes him invite his friends and companions
to share his triumph.

* See App. xiii. \ See ch. v. near the end. % App. xvi. § App. xiii.

DISCOVERY OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 39

In the extreme dearth of information concerning the moral
and intellectual endowments of John Cabot, and his whole life
in general, it is a comfort to see that all speak of him favor-
ably, and every break in the thick darkness enveloping him
either shows us a trait of his genius and energy, or some proof
of his goodness of heart. \ \

CHAPTER III

The first Discovery of 1494.

' The Spanish Ambassador, Ayala, wrote to his government
in July 1498: "for seven years past, the people of Bristol, in-
cited by the fancies of this Genoese, have furnished two, three,
or four caravels each year to go in search of the islands of
Brazil and the Seven Cities."* We have seen that the per-
son indicated by Ayala under the name of Genoese was John
Cabot. These few words are all the mention that has reached
us ol the first steps of our navigator in his career of discovery.
It only remains then for us to consider what efforts he must
have made to induce the people of Bristol to follow him again
in his attempts at discovery and his energy in keeping them
firm to the trial after repeated failures.

Ayala's words tell us clearly that the sole object of his voy-
age from the first was to find one of the islands said to be scat-
tered in the Ocean, and which for so many years had excited
the fancy of the men of the sea. It would, therefore, be a
mistake to suppose he aimed at reaching the coast of Asia by
the west ; this greater undertaking was resolved on when the
news reached London of the first voyage of Christopher Colum-
bus, f This follows clearly from the words of his son Sebas-

*"Los de Bristol, ha siete ano que cada anos an armado dos, tres, cuatro cara-
▼elas para ir a buscar la isla del Brasil y las siete ciudades con la fantasia
deste Genoves." App. xvi.

f Into this mistake L. Hugues among others, has fallen. He says :"Dunng the

40 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

tian, as we shall see further on, when our story shall bring
us to speak of him.* After the discovery by Christopher
Columbus. John Cabot, returning to his accustomed attempt,
instead of sailing at random on the boundless waters of the
Ocean, steered right to the west in the certainty of finding,
after the example of the great Genoese, the eastern shores
of Asia. The labors that had been in vain on former searches,
now that he had a fixed term in view, were crowned with
success. He found land, and he believed and judged it to be-
long to the empire of the Grand Khan, f This was on June
24, 1494. A

His son Sebastian has left us a record of the fact in the
Planisphere he composed in the year 1544. To the right and
left he places various legends and inscriptions in explanation
of various points of the Planisphere ■; and one of these in the
original Spanish reads thus : " This land was discovered by
John Cabot, Venetian, and Sebastian Cabot, his son, the year
of the birth of Our Saviour Jesus Christ 1494, on the 24th of
June, in the morning, to which they gave the name First Land
Seen, and to a great island which is opposite the said land they
gave the name St. John because it was discovered that day. "J
The Latin version which accompanies this Spanish inscrip-
tion says more particularly that the island was called St. John
after the Baptist, whose feast was celebrated on that day by the
Catholic Church.§ In no other place besides Sebastian Cabot's

repeated attempts made by John Cabot to reach Asia by nxay of the West,
Columbus discovered the West Indies." Le Navigazioni di G. Caboto, in the
Memorie della societa geografica Italiana. Vol. i, p. 287. The only historical
source for what John Cabot wanted and sought in his first voyages we find in
this dispatch of the ambassador Ayala, and the islands of Brazil and of the
Seven Cities which he mentions, have not the slightest connection with the
eastern coasts of Asia, but were supposed to be situated in the middle of the vast
Atlantic Ocean. This inexactness however, in no way diminishes the merit of
the distinguished writer who is a zealous cultivator and explainer of the his-
toric geographical studies of our old navigators.

* In chap. vii. + See App. xi, xiii. % See App. iii.

§" Terrain banc olim nobis clausam aperuit Joannes Cabotus Venetus, necnon
Sebastianus Cabotus ejus Alius anno ab orbe redempto 1494, die vero 24 Julii
(sic) hora 5 sub diluculo, qua terra prima visa appellarunt, et Insula quanda
magna ei apposita, Iusula divi Joannis nomiuarunt, quippe, quae solemui die

THE DATE OF THE DISCOVERY. 41

Planisphere, is any record found of this discovery; so that there
has been great discussion on this inscription, whether it should
be admitted as it stands, or an error he held to have occurred
in transcribing it. And even now, although the point which
created the main difficulty has been explained and entirely
cleared up, the discovery of 1494 has not succeeded in gaining
a free path among the doubts of historical criticism.

The question in the past has been this : Sebastian Cabot's
original map of the world has been lost, and the only remain-
ing copy is preserved in the National Library at Paris. From
this is taken the copy of the inscription which we have just
given. Of the lost copies, only two have left any record of
this inscription, one of which was at Oxford, and the other at
Whitehall, Westminster, engraved by Clement Adams. The
one at Oxford was read and copied by Nathan Kochlaff, called
in Latin Chytreus, the other at Westminster was inserted by
Hakluyt in his collection.* The inscription preserved by
Chytreus is identical with that we have just read from the
copy of that at Paris. But that given by Hakluyt instead
of 1494 puts 1497.f With Hakluyt agrees a very old chronicle
of Bristol which says that, "In the year 1497, the 24th of June
on St. John's day was Newfoundland found by Bristol men in a
ship called the Matthews.":}: The evidence on each side being so
evenly balanced, opinions were divided ; some held out for
1494, others for 1497 ; and both parties sought to confirm their
opinion by the very same point, both appealing to the letters
patent granted to John Cabot by the King of England in 1496.
According to the first, these letters absolutely presupposed
some discovery already made by the Venetian, and therefore
sustained the authenticity of the Paris and Oxford copies ; §
according to the others these Letters have not the slightest al-

festo divi Joannis aperta fuit." The Spanish inscription has correctly June.
* See App. iii. t lD-

% William Barrett. History and Antiquities of the city of Bristol compiled
from original Records and Authentic Manuscripts. Bristol, 1789. p. 172.

§ "There is no possible way of reconciling the various accounts collected by
Hakluyt and which amount to no less a number than six but to suppose John
Cabot to have made one voyage at least previous to the date of the patent, and
sometime between that and the date of the return of Columbus." John Bar-

42 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

lusion to, or connection with any previous discovery, and from
^li©ir silence on this point they adduce their argument a-
gainst the date of 1494. As usually happens in such matters,
where the argument depends more on the personal valua-
tion of the writer than on its intrinsic force, there was
great consumption of ink and paper, each remaining more
firmly convinced in his own opinion. The Westminster
date acquired great support from the very name of Hakluyt
who was the highest authority on English voyages in the
XVI century. But M. d' Avezac, the erudite Frenchman
who has rendered such valuable service to the history ol
geography, especially to that of Columbus and Cabot, had
the merit of not only taking away that support, but of annull-
ing completely the opposition of the Westminster copy.*
Hakluyt's partial collection on the discovery of America
naturally loses in value after his great collection containing
all the navigations and voyages of discovery of the English ;
and the second edition of his great collection, published in
1598-1600, improved and enlarged, supersedes the former, and
on it were based all subsequent ones. Now Avezac had the
lucky thought of comparing the first collection with the later
on this point, and found the inscription transcribed from the
copy of the Map of the World in the gallery at Westminster
gave the date in the first collection as 1494, the same as
the two copies at Paris and Oxford, and the unfortunate
typographical error which in the enlarged work changed
1494 into 1497 was continued in all subsequent editions. f

row, Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions, p. 32. Harris and
Pinkerton base the granting of the patent directly on the discovery of 1494.
" Upon this report of his the before-mentioned patent was granted," Harris,
Collection of Voyages and Travels, London, 1744. 8. vol. ii, p. 190.— Pinkerton's
Collection, vol. xii, p. 158.

* M. d' Avezac was the first to point out in the Cabot voyages certain mile-
stones, as it were, for the guidance of the historian so that he should not lose his
way in the great confusion. Seethe Bulletin delasociete de geographic, for October
1857, the historical Introduction to the second volume of the voyages of Jacques
Cartier, in 1863, and in the same Bulletin, Tome viii, Paris, 1869, the article en-
titled Les Navigations terre-neuviennes de Jean et Sebastien Cabot.

\ " Une faute typographique (plutot qu' une correction arbitraire mal avisee
a alteTe cette date 1494) en cette mgme citation dans 1' edition posterieure du

THE DATE OF THE DISCOVERY. 43

All the known copies of Sebastian Cabot's map being thus in
accord, it might reasonably be supposed that the date borne by
them is that of the original, which is the same as to say that
this date is based on the testimony of the very son of the dis-
coverer, or rather of one who was present at the discovery and
associated in the labor and glory of the discoverer. In face of
this authority what value is to be put on the contrary testi-
mony of the anonymous chronicler of Bristol, especially as no
one but Barrett ever saw or read his work, and therefore we
have no means of ascertaining the value of that chronicler's
words or the accuracy with which they have been transcribed?
I said all the copies of the map agree, notwithstanding that
the inscription as given by Purchas has 1497, for there is no
question but what he based his collection on Hakluyt's; in fact,
in the title itself he called it "Hakluytus Postumus," a frank
declaration that he had only enlarged the other's work.*

As he had before him not the first, but the second collection,
— and this is natural, for wishing to be more extensive than
Hakluyt, he would take as his point of departure the last
term to which the other had reached in his greater work — he
repeated the date, 1497, as he found it in Hakluyt's larger
work. It is of no importance that in Hakluyt the chart is
said to bear date of the year 1544, and in Purchas, 1549 ; for
the two being in all else perfectly alike, and differing in the
same particulars from all other copies which we know of,
there is no doubt that one is a copy of the other, and by an
error of Purchas or his printer a 9 has been substituted for a
4. Such error can astonish no one who has written much,
for he must have observed how easily a mistake is made in
copying figures which have no special reason for fixing the
attention. The same cannot be claimed in the case of the
date of the inscription, for the defence of this rests on its

recueil de Hakluyt." M. d'AvEZAC, Les navigations terre-neuviennes de Jean
et Sebastien Cabot— dans le Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic T. xviii.
Paris 1869, p. 360.

* Hakluytus Postumus or Purchas, his Pilgrims, etc. London, 1625,-16-26. -The
fifth volume was published separately in 1615, but the edition of 1626 is to be
preferred.

44 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

being repeated and confirmed in all the charts that are
known, drawn and engraved at various times by various per-
sons, and moreover differing in several particulars one from
another, so that there cannot be the slightest suspicion that
they are reproductions of the same copy. * It is true that
Purchas says that he has examined with his own eyes the map
in Whitehall from which his inscription is taken ; but that
examination was of the map in general, as to the position of the
new lands to which the inscription refers ; and he had no in-
terest in the year when the map was printed as it was of no
sort of importance to the question he was studying, for the
dispute had not then arisen whether John Cabot discovered
his first land in 1494 or 1497. Even Harrisse, who refers
this first discovery to 1497, pays no attention to this differ-
ence of the year of printing, but regards the chart given by
Purchas as the same thing as Hakluyt's. f On what grounds,
then, does Harrisse contend for 1497, and hold out against the
clear and absolute testimony of three copies of Sebastian
Cabot's map of the world ?

\ His studies and publications concerning the discovery of
America give a special importance to his adverse opinion,
and it demands attention and discussion more than any
other. He begins by declaring himself averse to admitting
the date 1494, because there may have been an error in copy-
ing it. "I hesitate," he says, "to accept this date of 24 June,
1494, first brought forward half a century after the events,
and which might be only a lapsus of the engraver : MCCCC
XCIIII for MCCCCXCVII, an error all the easier to make
as the first I s joined at the bottom form a V."J Nor is he quieted

* See further on in chapter xxvii, where it treats directly of the charts
and writings left by Sebastian Cabot.

f"Notre Sentiment, cependant, en admettant des fantes de transcription, et
d'imprimeur, est qu' on peut ramener ces quatre descriptions & trois types
seulement ; la carte de la Bibliotheque Nationale, la carte decrite par Chytreus,
et celle gravee par Clement Adam (that mentioned by Hakluyt)." — Jean et
Sebastien Cabot ; p. 156.

^"Nous hesitons a accepter cette date du 24 Juin, 1494, produite pour la
premiere fois un demi siecle apres les evenements, et qui pourrait n' Ctre qu'
un lapsus du graveur : MCCCCXCIIII pour MCCCCXCVII ; erreur d' autant

harrisse's objections. 45

by the inscription in Latin, which has the same date 1494,
not in Roman letters, but in Arabic figures, because he believes
for various reasons that this translation was made afterwards
in the Netherlands or Germany, without Cabot's being able to
correct the mistake. *

But this is only a suspicion : his real reason for rejecting
that date is that it does not seem to him to agree with certain
documents which we have concerning the discoveries of
John Cabot. Let us examine his doubts. January 21, 1496,
Puebla informs his sovereigns in Spain that "One has gone
like Columbus to propose to the King of England an under-
taking like that of the Indies." From the reply of the Span-
ish Sovereigns, says Harrisse, it appears that this project was
at that time a novelty at the English Court, So far we are
agreed, but he adds : " If Cabot had already made a voyage
like Columbus in search of Cathay and had discovered two
years before countries which were believed to be the Kingdom
of the Grand Khan or leading to it, the ambassador would
not have attached importance to projects which could now
be of no consequence, and the Catholic Kings would have
abstained from making it the subject of so significant a diplo-
matic communication " f I confess that I cannot seize the
thread of Harrisse's reasoning. If the land was already dis-
covered Cabot's project was of no consequence ? On the con-
trary, it seems to me that the danger for Spain was not in the
material fact of the discovery, but in its possession by some gov-
ernment whose flag should open to it the path of commercial

plus facile & commettre que les deux premiers i. rappoches a la base, ferment
un v." 1. c. p. 56.

* " La traduction latine dit bien : Anno oh orbe redempto 1494, en chiffres
romains ; mais cette version a ete faite posterieurement a la redaction de la
leirende espagnole, dans les Pays-Bas, ou en Allemagne, sans que Cabot put
corriger le lapsus."— lb. p. 56, note.

f'Le langage de la dep^che indiquc que ce projet etait alorsune nouveaute a
la cour d'Angleterre. Si Cabot avait dejti fait un voyage comme Colomb, a la
recherche du Cathay et avait decouvert depuis deux ans des pays qu' on croy-
ait Otre le royaume du Grand Khan, ou y conduire, I'ambassadeur n'aurait pas
attache d'importance a des projets desormais sans portee, et les Rois Catholiques
se seraient abstenus d'en faire 1' objet d'une communication diplomatique
aussi significative." 1. c. p. 57.

46 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

connections. This is precisely what John Cabot's request aimed
at: and it was therefore with his application that the danger of
Spain commenced. In fact the privilege granted to Cabot bears
the date of March 5, 1496, and Puebla's dispatch to his sover-
eigns of the 21st of the previous January; which proves that the
Spaniard watched the proceedings and raised his voice as soon
as he learned that the council of the English government were
inclined to favor Cabot. If the discovery of 1494 was true,
would not Puebla have been bound at that time to give im-
mediate notice, it being easy to foresee that the possession
would inure to the English government ? He would certainly
have been bound to do so, if he had known of the discovery.
That he did not know of it I firmly maintain. That John
Cabot was aware of the Bull of Alexander VI, which gave
Spain all the lands and infidel peoples found beyond the line
he indicated, is something too clear and evident for discussion.
As soon, therefore as he succeeded in his first discovery,
it was not only his interest but an absolute necessity to have
the support and protection of some government. Without that
all his labor would be lost ; for Spain, by the privilege procured
from the Supreme Pontiff would have risen against him at
once, and what means had he to enforce his rights ? That after-
wards so long a time elapsed before he obtained his grant will
surprise no one who reflects that he was "poor and a foreign-
er,"* and under such circumstances it was no easy or speedy
matter to obtain his request from the English government. In
the meanwhile it was necessary for him to keep his discovery
concealed — except to the government with which it was to be
used as the chief argument for gaining his request — lest Spain
notified of the event should invade the land and planting her
flag claim its possession This would close his way not only
to the protection of England, but probably also to future dis-
coveries. "But," continues Harrisse, "if Cabot in 1494 had
found the land, the new expedition (of 1497 )would have been
the consequence of that discovery, and the new lands requiring
equally the sovereignty of a Christian monarch, the text of the

* Sonciuo, App. xiii.

harrisse's objections. 47

letters patent of March 5, 1496 would have mentioned and
claimed them. We should find in them, as in those the chan-
cery issued to John Cabot from Westminster February 3, 1498,
for the same purpose : 'We authorize our well-beloved John
Cabot to convey and lead the said ship to the land and isles of
late found by him,' and not merely this vague and trite
expression 'in whatever part of the world they may be sit-
uated."'*

This putting forward of the way in which the chancellor
might, could, or should have acted seems to me a useless
question, in which, if it is easy to make an assertion it is
equally impossible to prove or refute it. Why should the
chancellor, in case he had to mention the same matter twice,
at different times, two years apart, feel obliged to use the
same words to express it each time ? Did he perhaps have an
established form after which he modelled his letters ? No. The
mind is free in its movements, and it is not wonderful that at
different times it should use different words to express two
similar matters. But suppose the similarity of the matters re-
quires similarity of expression, will not diverse conditions
produce diversity in this similarity ? The English govern-
ment had the same interest as John Cabot had to keep his
discovery concealed. That Spain would raise a cry and make
trouble was not only easy to foresee, but was certain. In fact, as
soon as the ambassador Puebla was able to learn that Ca-
bot's application had gained a hearing in King Henry's coun-
cil, he wrote at once to the Court; and both then and afterwards
he as well as Ayala was persistent in complaining to the Eng-
lish government against the favor shown to Cabot's voyage, as

* "Si Cabot avait trouve en 1494 1' lie et les terres decrites dans la Carte de
1544 .... cette nouvelle expedition aurait Ste" la consequence de la premiere
decouverte, et les nouvelles terres exigeant tout au moins la souvrainete d'un
monarque Chretien, le texte des lettres-patentes du 5 mars 1496, les aurait
certaiuement rappelees et revendiquees. On y lirait, comme dans les lettres de
chancellerie expedites a Jean Cabot de Westminster le 3 fevrier 1498, pour le
mCme objet :— Nous autorisons notre aime John Kabotto a conduire les dits
navires a la terre et aux iles par lui recemment trouvees .... Nous n' y
verrions pas seulement cette phrase vague et banale, 'in quacumque Parte
Mandi positas . . .'" 1. c. p. 58.

48 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

injurious to the rights of Spain. The English chancery would
therefore prudently keep silence concerning that first discov-
ery, and speak in general terms so as to give less ground for the
complaint of Spain, who in face of the uncertainty of the fact
would be less suspicious, especially as the expeditions sent out
for years back by others and even by Cabot seemed to promise
for this attempt the same vain waste of toil and expense. It was
different when Cabot had planted the English banner
in his discovery, and proclaimed that new land the property
of England. The complaints and protests of the Spanish court
would be more easily blunted against an actual possession.
Moreover, was the English government so surely persuaded of
the discovery by John Cabot as to be willing to authenticate
it by its word without further evidence ? I think not, and
seem to find in Soncino's letter a sound argument for this
opinion. In reporting to the Duke of Milan this discovery
made by the same Cabot in 1497, and over which there was
extraordinary rejoicing throughout England from court to
people, he says : " This master John, a poor man and a for-
eigner, would not have been believed, if his companions,
nearly all of whom are Englishmen and from Bristol, had not
borne witness to the truth of what he told."* This lie wrote of the
discovery made by Cabot after receiving his grant, that is to
say, made under the flag and in the name of the King of Eng-
land. If so little credit was given him then, when he was
clothed with official garb, what would have been given him
when presenting himself as a mere private individual ? Nor
does this view contradict the conviction before expressed that
the discovery of 1494 was used, as the main argument for ob-
taining the grant applied for, because for that purpose it was
enough for the council of the crown to have even a doubt that
it might be true since the government ventured nothing —
neither money nor name — in granting the request, but only
gave authority to raise its flag in such places as might be discov-
ered. If the previous discovery was true, England was sure to
gain ; if false, it lost nothing.

* See App. xiii.

Esa tiera fue descubierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y Sebastian
Caboto su hijo, anno del nasciraiento de nuestro Salvador Jesu Christo de
M. CCCC. XCIIII, a veinte y quatro de Iunio, por la mannana, ala qual
pusieron nombre prima tierra vista, y a una isla grande que esta par de la
dha tierra, le pusieron nombre sant loan, por aver sido descubierta el
mismo dia la gente della andan vestidos depieles de animales, usan en sus
guerras arcos, y flechas, lancas, y dardos, y unas porras de palo, y hondas.
Es tierra muy steril, ay en ella muchos orsos plancos, y ciervos muy
grandes como cavallos y otros muchos animales y semeiantemente ay pescado
infinito, sollos, salmoes, lenguados, muy grandes de vara enlargo y otras
muchas diversidades de pescados, y la mayor multitud dellos se dizen
baccalaos, y asi mismo ay enla dha tierra Halcones prietos cuomo cuervos
Aquillas, Perdices, Pardillas, y otras muchas aves de diversas maneras.

THE DATE 1494. 49

But let us carry the question to a new field where we can
move with more freedom and surety. The ambassador, Ayala,
has told us that John Cabot began his expeditions in 1491 and
continued them regularly every year. Did he from the be-
ginning apply for the grant which he asked for and obtained
in 1496, or did he not ? We have no knowledge, but with one or
the other supposition we must necessarily get at the truth. If
he had asked for and not obtained it, what moved the govern-
ment to give in 1496 what before it had refused ? It seems to
me that the only reason supposable is that Cabot's expeditions
had begun to give good grounds to hope for success, and
these grounds can only be a first proof of discovery. If
Cabot had asked nothing before, why did he ask something
now ? If the confidence of those who had aided him in past
expeditions still continued, there was no reason for seeking
new aid to continue his course. If it had decreased, how
could he, "a poor man and a foreigner," arouse all at once in
the government that confidence which his old and tried friends
had lost under his constant failures ? I can very well under-
stand that if he had presented himself to the government as
wholly unexperienced, he might by his arguments and calcu-
lations convince it of his ability to seek for and discover new
lands ; but what force of argument could convince it of his
ability in discovery now when a trial repeated for many years
in succession proved the contrary ? If, in the expeditions
from 1491 on, he had not considered it necessary to obtain
authority in case of discoveries to plant the royal banner and
declare them the property of the Crown of England, why
should he think it necessary in 1496 ?— Because then in sup-
port of his demand he could only allege the hope of discov-
ery, and now he presented, instead, the proof of a discovery
made. In conclusion, from whatever side I view the matter,
I find all the circumstances uniting with full accord to con-
firm the date of Sebastian Cabot's Map; and therefore with inti-
mate conviction, I declare for the discovery of 1494, attested
by an eye-witness,— or rather one of the discoverers.

The claim of John Cabot of having touched the American
continent four years and thirty seven days before Christopher

4

50 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

Columbus is then confirmed. * This takes nothing from the
glory of that giant amongst discoverers ; for after he had
opened the way, it was simply an accessory honor for him to
have advanced more or less, but it is not a slight boast for one
of his followers to have preceded every one else in reaching
the mainland of the New World. ' ]

CHAPTER IV.

What Point in North America it ivas that John Cabot first discov-
ered in 1494. — Attempts to deprive him of the honor.

What was the point that John Cabot discovered to which
he gave the name of First-Seen f The name of Newfoundland
so similar in meaning to that of First-Seen, has long been
generally believed to be that where Cabot first landed ; and
this seems the more likely as to the west of the island of
Newfoundland in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, there is an islet
called St. John, the very name given by Cabot to the island
he discovered at the same time with the main-land. But the
name Neivfoundland gives no aid to our researches, because at
first the English called by that name all their discoveries in
the northern part of America, which, for nearly a hundred
years only known as a fishing station, had come co be re-
garded as an appendage to the great Banks to which their
ships resorted for their rich fisheries. As the only portion
of all that land with which the fishing vessels had constant
relations was the island close to the great Bank, it is not to be
wondered at that the name of Newfoundland, common to
the whole region, was gradually restricted to the island alone
and became its proper name.f

* Columbus first beheld the Continent of America opposite to the island of
Trinidad, on his third voyage, August 1, 1498. SeeTarducci, Life of Christopher
Columbus. Vol. ii p. 60.
f A memoir of Sebastian Cabot with a Review of the History of Maritime Discov-

WHAT LAND WAS FIRST FOUND. 51

As to the island of St. John, not to look for other argu-
ments, it is sufficient that it is historically proved that it was so
called by Cartier in 1534, because on the Feast of St. John,
June 24, it terminated his circuit of the gulf which he had
begun on the 10th of May. At present, abandoning the
misleading guidance of names, it is usual to place the first
landing at the island of Cape Breton, and this new opinion is
based on the Planisphere of Sebastian Cabot, who, as we have
seen, accompanied his father on that discovery. On this, where
the lands are drawn that were discovered in North America,
there is a peninsula, the northern end of which according to
the scale of the chart lies almost in the latitude of 48°, 30',
and at its north-east extremity are these words, " First Land
seen." Further back, to the west, at a short distance from the
peninsula and nearly in the same latitude, at the beginning
of a broad gulf is a large island which the chart calls " Sam
Joan." The figure 8 placed near this land refers the reader
to the corresponding number in the legends accompanying the
Planisphere, and under this is found the inscription already
given, where it is said that this land was discovered June 24,
1494, by John Cabot and his son Sebastian.

In material configuration no part of North America agrees
perfectly with the form presented in Sebastian Cabot's Map,
but this was the common fault of all the maps then made of
America, a necessary consequence of the slight and imperfect
acquaintance with it then possessed. But the general shape of
the peninsula as well as the correspondence of the latitude

ery etc.p. 56. This work was published at Philadelphia, in 1831, and at the same
time printed and published in Londou. In England its sale was large, and a
new edition was issued the next year, in 1832. The author's name was not
given, but it was afterwards known to be the work of a lawyer, Richard Bid-
die, of Pittsburgh, Pa. As I have before said, it is the first profound work on
the Cabots. It is not a history, but an historical work, of value for Cabotian
studies, for the author has enjoyed meeting various difficulties and solving them,
and besides great acuteness of mind he applies extensive erudition in the Eng-
lish voyages and navigations. One great fault of the work is the arrangement
of the matters treated of and of the arguments : but a still greater is the au-
thor's obstinate partiality in favor of Sebastian against the merits and rights of
hig father John Cabot. I have used the second edition of London. 1833-

52 THE LIFE OP JOHN CABOT.

undoubtedly represents the regions where Nova Scotia and
Cape Breton Island are situated. As the inscription, " First
Land Seen," is at the north-east extremity of this region it must
correspond to the northern extremity of Cape Breton Island.
But where near Nova Scotia and the island of Cape Breton
can we find any thing like the island which Sebastian Cabot
on his chart represents as further within the gulf and a short
distance beyond the peninsula ? In Prince Edward's Island,
which is just west of Cape Breton, and which has also been
known as St. John. True, the island seen by Cabot was
discovered the same day as "First-seen-Land," and the distance
from Cape North to Prince Edward's Island is seventy-two
miles, a distance too great to be made the same day that
"First-seen-Land'' was discovered. But if I see clearly, Cabot
does not say that they touched the island the same day,
but merely that they gave the name of St. John to an island
opposite, and which was discovered the same day.* The
term discovered may be very well applied to what is merely
seen, and so the difficulty as to the distance disappears, for
they saw the mainland at five in the morning, and therefore in
the long days of that time of the year, had ample time dur-
ing the day to proceed far enough to see, if not to reach, Prince
Edward's Island.

Harrisse measuring too mathematically the relative posi-
tions of the north-east point of the peninsula on Sebastian
Cabot's chart and the island of Cape Breton, places the first
land seen not at Cape North, which is the northern point
of Cape Breton, but at Cape Fourchu or Perce, which is
on its eastern side.f By doing so, the distance from the
first point of land seen to Prince Edward's Island is so in-
creased as to render it absolutely impossible for both to have
been seen the same day. As an essential part of the agree-

*".... y a una isla grade que esta par de la d ha tierra le pusieron nombre
Sant Joan, por aver sido descubierta el mismo dia." App. iii. A.

t"ll y a an Canada deux caps Perce\ Celui qui se trouve sur la cote N-E de
1' ile du cap Breton, et un autre situe daus la baie de Gaspe, pies du mont Joli
ou Cap Tiennot. . . . C'est le premier de ces deux caps qui est le notre, d'aprete
la carte de Bayfield precitee." Harrisse, p. 65.

Sebastian's planisphere. 53

ment between the indications of the Planisphere and the ac-
count in the Legend is thereby lost, the possibility that the
first landing was at Cape Breton Island necessarily fails.
But the fact that for want of exact knowledge the Plani-
sphere unites the island to the mainland and makes it a con-
tinuation of it frees us from the scruple of a mathematically
exact agreement, the more so as the capes are not many
miles apart.

But, it has been asked, if Sebastian Cabot knew the region
of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island so well as he shows in
his Planisphere, how does it happen that the Spanish charts,
which must have passed under his revision as chief Pilot, do
not give the same indications, but remain so far behind his
chart ? How explain that all the charts of that day have a
long extent of coast in the northern parts of America, with
this inscription or its equivalent, "This land was discovered
by the English from Bristol,"- and on none of them is Cape
Breton Island comprised in that long space, but on all the
English discoveries begin at the north of Newfoundland and
follow the coast of Labrador ?

All this has naturally given rise to a suspicion that as Se-
bastian Cabot did not publish his Planisphere until after the
exploration of those parts by the Frenchman Jacques Cartier,
he drew these places from information obtained from others
rather than from his own knowledge.

The former of these questions may be answered with the
words of Sir Humphrey Gilbert who informs us that the Span-
ish and Potuguese pilots were forbidden under pain of death,
to trace on their navigating charts any mark whatever which
might put other states on the track of discovering the sighed-
for passage leading to the East Indies. f

* Note taken from the chart of Diego Kibeiro (1529), the second of the so-
called Weimar charts.

+"The Spaniards and Portugals. . . have commanded that no pilot of theirs
upon paine of death, Should plat out in any sea card, any thorow passage."
Haklnyt, iii, p. 23.

Leone Pancaldo, Magellan's companion, in consideration of 2000 ducats
bound himself by notarial deed to the Representative of the King of Portugal,
September 30, 1531, "di nou insegnare ad alcunola strada ai paesi ultimamente

54 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

In consequence of this prohibition, Sebastian could not pre-
viously indicate the gulf opening to the west of « Land first
seen ;" but was free to do so in 1544, when his secret no longer
amounted to any thing, the position of the gulf being gen-
erally known in consequence of Jacques Cartier's exploration.

The second objection, it seems to me, falls to the ground
when it is noted that Sebastian Cabot places at Cape Breton
Island the mere fact of its being the first discovered ; whilst
the further navigations and explorations of the English were
along the lands of Labrador. Hence it was natural for the
map-makers to give the name of English lands to those where
the English vessels had generally gone and still went, and
not to the mere point which had simply witnessed their first
arrival. But let us take the first chart that mentions the Eng-
lish discoveries, — that of Juan de la Cosa, pilot of Christopher
Columbus, — composed in 1500, that is, soon after John Cabot's
discovery and many years before the places around Cape Breton
were known to the world or made famous by the explorations
of the French navigator : and let us see if that first chart ex-
cludes this island from the English discoveries. First of all,
let us observe that at this time neither the Spaniards nor those
of any other nation than the English had yet sailed to the
lands of North America, so that it must necessarily be admit-
ted that Cosa obtained his information from English sources ;
and perhaps Kohl's opinion is well founded, that Cosa indi-
cated those places from a copy of John Cabot's own chart sent
to Spain by Puebla or Ayala, ambassadors in England. *
In fact, the latter writes in his dispatch, "I believe your High-
nesses are already advised of all this, and also of the chart or
map of the world which he made, and / do not send now the one

scoperti, e a nonfare alcana carta geografica che iudicasse quel cammino." G. B.
Belloro, Elogio di Leone Pancaldo.

In 1527 Robert Thome, an Englishman of whom we shall have occasion to
speak further on, sending a chart from Seville to the ambassador of Henry
VIII to Charles V, cautions him to keep secret from whom lie received it, "be-
cause it might be a cause of pain to the maker." Hakluyt. iii. p. 129.

* "There is no difficulty in the supposing that a copy of the chart of Cabot
may have been seen by Coss in 1500." Fold, Hist, of the discovery of Maine, p.
153. From Harrisse, p. 104.

Cosa's chart. 55

which I have here"* What he did not send then he may
very well have sent soon after, either of his own motion or by
request. In Cosa's chart in the highest part of the drawing,
to the west is marked " Cabo de Inglaterra" and beside it
is a small English flag. Another such flag is marked fur-
ther south near a cape of St. John, and an island called Trini-
dad ; three more flags follow lower down as far as a cape
and a sea bearing the words 'discovered by the English."
This stretch of land engraved on the present maps would be from
about the middle ot Davis Strait to Cape Hatteras ; that is to
say, approximately the extent of coast along which according
to Ramusio, Cabot had passed. It may be, as Desimoni con-
jectures, that Cosa's chart should be regarded as including two
periods of discovery, indicated by that cartographer by the
different Legends . 1. ''A cape further east with the name Cabo
de Inglaterra, with the island under it, and 2. an extent of land
and a sea further south and west with the legend, Mar de-
scubierto por Ingleses." \ The fact is that the first map which
shows the lands of North America not only does not restrict
the English discoveries to the north of Newfoundland, but
on the contrary carries them a long way to the south of it ; so
that Cape Breton Island instead of being excluded, is in the
very middle. What if this island is excluded from the English
section in later maps ? Was not the whole coast south of it as
far at least as Chesapeake Bay also excluded ? Yet that this
was first seen and discovered by Sebastian Cabot at the
head of the English is proved by the concordant testimony of
Ramusio and Peter Martyr ; and the latter related it as early
as 1516. The southern portion of the English discoveries
was called by the Spaniards Land of Estevan Gomez from
their countryman who coasted along more or less of it in 1525,
twenty-seven years after it had been discovered, because they
first obtained knowledge of it through him. Is not the case
the same as to Cape Breton Island and neighboring lands with
reference to the French voyages and explorations ?

It seems to me that a ray of light can be thrown on the

* See App. xvi. f Intorno a Giovanni Caboto, p. 27.

56 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

question by the direction taken by John Cabot on his second
voyage, and therefore I believe it will be well to anticipate a
brief mention of it here. Soncino, writing to the Duke of
Milan says : "Master John Cabot .... sailing from Bristol,
the western port of this Kingdom and passing Ireland, further
west, and then going higher up towards the north commenced
to sail to the eastern parts. "*To know Cabot's intention we must
settle the order of his ideas in regard to the expedition he was
undertaking. This is easy enough, for the history of Christo-
pher Columbus just after the discovery of the New World is
an exact mirror of what everybody thought about the lands
found beyond the Atlantic. Columbus left Spain with
the expectation of reaching the territory of the Grand
Khan : he had touched land at San Salvador, Cuba, Haiti,
with the conviction that he had come to the land of the
Grand Khan ; he had returned to Europe with the announce-
ment never doubted by him or anybody else that he had
arrived at the land of the Grand Khan. Could John Cabot think
differently ? Certainly not. Sailing then on an expedition of
discovery beyond the Atlantic for the account of England,
he did and could only look to reaching also the land of
the Grand Khan, which at that time was the ultimate term
of the desires and hopes of discoverers and traders. But if
the empire of Cathay lay on the other side of the Atlantic,
Cabot knew very well that it extended an immense distance
from north to south, and therefore was sure to be found by
sailing directly west from England. Why, then, instead of sail-
ing directly west after leaving Bristol, does he go further
north and only after reaching a certain latitude turn his prows
to the west. It is absurd to suppose that he hoped to find
richer lands by going some dozens of miles further north, or that
he made that bend without a motive. What could have been
his motive ? It was this : In his voyage of 1494 he came to
Cape Breton Island, and entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence sail-
ing out by the strait of Belle-Isle, and saw as he sailed that
the country around gave no promise of the riches dreamed of

* See App. xiii.

57

in the east. Consequently when returning in 1497 to take
possession of the new region in the name of England, he
would not go back to places already known to be of no inter-
est, but sought the land he had seen extending to the north
of Belle-Isle in the hope of finding places of a different nature
from those near First-Seen-Land ; and as one who knows
what he wants and has a fixed purpose, after passing Ireland,
he sailed far enough north to gain the latitude of the lands he
wanted to reach ; and then sailed due west and landed in the
region afterwards known as Labrador.^

But, objects Harrisse, "if Cabot had entered the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and afterwards passed out by the Strait of Belle-
Isle, Newfoundland would not have continued to figure as
part of the mainland on all the maps without exception, for
forty years longer.* This objection which would be insur-
mountable taken by itself alone, is solved and disappears
when taken in connection with another fact in the story
of Cabot. It is historically proved, and nobody doubts
it, that, as we shall see in the proper place,f Sebastian
Cabot on his voyage in 1498, came down the coast from
Labrador exploring it minutely to find a passage to
the Chinese countries, in the supposition that the land
before them was an island. He therefore could not
help seeing in that close exploration the Strait of Belle-
Isle and the great expanse of sea between Cape Breton Is-
land and Newfoundland, and, as he was looking for a passage
to the west, if he had not already known that these two open-
ings through which he had passed would bring him back
to the Atlantic, he must have tried one or the other to see
if it was not the passage he was seeking, and his very search
would have taken him along the coast and so brought him

*"Si P on accepte la position de la petite flotte de Cabot an moment ou, de P
lie du Prince-Edward, elle se prepare a continuer son periple. . . . Dans ce cas,
ilcotoya laGaspesie.atteignit, les cotes du Bas-Canada et vintdeboncherdansl'
Atlantique par ledetroitde Belle-Isle."

"Si celle avait ete la route suivie par Cabot, Terre Neuve n' aurait pas
coutinue a figurer comme terre ferme sur toutes les cartes sans exceptions,
pendant quarante ans encore." Jean et Sebastien Cabot, 1. c.

f See ch. viii.

60 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

^ Whoever is familiar with the life of Christopher Columbus
knows what efforts were made to deprive him of the glory of
having opened the path to the New World to mankind. The
Cabots were exposed to a similar warfare for the glory of hav-
ing first arrived in the territory of North America. Two
names have been preferred before theirs, those of the Pole,
John Szkolny and the Portuguese, Ioao Vas Cortereal. Of the
former it is related that he was a pilot in the service of Chris-
tian II, King of Denmark, and in 1476 was charged by
his sovereign with the reopening to trade of the path between
Denmark and Greenland, of which it is said, the Danes still re-
tained a lively recollection. According to this account, Szko-
lny passed in front of Friesland and Greenland and reached the
coast of Labrador that same year. But all the most indus-
trious researches of the greatest geographers have failed to find
any foundation for the truth of this pretended expedition! *
The first to mention the Portuguese was Gaspar Fructuoso,
a writer of the same nation, living in the XVI century, f
This historian writes that Ioao Vas Cortereal by order of Affonso
V explored the northern seas as early as 1464, and discovered
a portion of North America, what is properly Newfoundland
and the "Land of Bacalhao, " in consequence of which he was
rewarded by royal decree of April 12, 1464, with the govern-
ment of Terceira Island. The story of Fructuoso was taken up,
enlarged, and embellished by Cordeiro, another Portuguese his-
torian in his "Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal Sugeytas
no Oceano Occidental, "published in 1717 ; on the authority
of which Barrow gave it a place in his history.:); Lardner
took it up on the authority of Barrow ;§ others on Lardner's ;
and so it became the general property of history.

*Alex. Humboldt, Examen critique de VHistoire de la Oeographie du nouveau
Continent, Paris, Librairie de Gide, 1837, T. II. p. 154.— L. Hugues, Le
navigazioni di G. e S. Cabotto, nelle Memorie della Societa Geografica Italians,
1878.

f He wrote at the 4zores in 1590 a history entitled "Saudades de Terra."

"Land Longings, "which has never been published, but is still in manuscript.

See Lucian Cordeiro, De la Decouverte de V Amerique, p. 39.

% Chronological History of Voyages, p. 37.

§ Cyclopedia, History of Maritime and Island Discovery, vol. ii, p. 138.

PORTUGUESE CLAIMS. 61

The reader will find here a real historical person with all the
necessary details of place, of time, and of the other persons who
lived and dealt with him. But an examination of all these
details will show what Fructuoso's account amounts to.

We know that John II, King of Portugal, was inclined to
accept the proposal of Christopher Columbus, but they could
come to no agreement because "John wanted him to accept of
the usual reward given to those who discovered lands or islands
on the African coast," and Christopher Columbus demanded
much more, saying that " his plan was totally different from
any that had been carried out previously," and "not in any
wise to be compared with simply advancing on a path al-
ready known. "* King John, notwithstanding the great
results promised by Columbus, was undocided whether to
accept or refuse his offer, and submitted it to the board
that had charge of all matters relating to maritime discovery,
and of which the greatest geographers and astronomers of
the kingdom were naturally members. The board declared
the project of Columbus altogether extravagant and visionary. Not
satisfied with this answer, King John ordered a new inquiry
and referred the matter to his privy council, which declared
that no account should be made of the proposal of Christopher
Columbus. Still the King was determined on a trial, and get-
ting possession of the maps and drawings which Columbus had
prepared in support of his proposal, he secretly sent a
ship in the direction and by the course which Columbus had
traced. But the mariners after proceeding a good distance to
sea, turned back "ridiculing the project of Columbus as the dream
of a feeble mind that saw land where there was and could be only
water." j-

How could the board and the privy council have declared
the project of Columbus extravagant and visionary, how could
the mariners ridicule and laugh at it, if Cortereal had pre-
viously seen and visited the lands beyond the Atlantic ?

Fructuoso says, and Cordeiro repeats, giving even the decree

* Tarducci, Life of Christopher Columbus, Vol. i. p. 67.
t Tarducci, lb. pp. 69,70.

62 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

of King Affonso, that Cortereal in reward of his services re-
ceived the governorship of the island of Terceira : but I find
that when the two Portuguese, Gonyalvez Varco and Tristao
Vaz Texeira with the Italian Perestrello discovered the island
of Porto Santo and the Madeira group, to reward them and en-
courage them in further enterprises, with the ownership they
were given the government of the same lands they had dis-
covered.* When, in 1460, the Genoese, Antonio da Noli, was sent
to ascertain the number of the Cape Verde Islands which An-
tonio Usodimare and Luigi Cadamosto had discovered four years
before, he too was given the government as well as the charge
of colonizing those lands, and held it until his death. How
happens it that four years later Portugal takes an entirely
different course with Cortereal, and instead of sending him
back to colonize and govern the land he had discovered,
sends him in the opposite direction to govern a land dis-
covered and colonized by others ? As soon as a new land or
island was discovered Portugal was at once careful to extend
its knowledge of it and attempt its colonization ; what reason
caused it to act differently with the "Terra de Bacalhao,"
and suffer it to fall into such oblivion that but for the record
of it made by an obscure historian almost a century and a
half afterwards, it would never have been known of? But
there is yet another knot to untie before Gaspar Fructuoso's
course can run smooth. The famous globe of Martin Behaim
constructed at Nuremburg in 1492, shows all the lands known
and discovered up to that time ; how happens it that it has
no indication, of any sort, of the land found by Cortereal ?
No one was more likely to know of it than Behaim, for he was
a most learned cosmographer, and endeavored most zealously
to show on his globe all the land that was then known, and
he not only lived at the court of Portugal, but was a member
of the special board appointed by the Portuguese Monarch to
inquire into the means of improving navigation, and in 1484,
not contented with hearing the report of others, but wishing to
know from his own sight the new discoveries, accompanied

* Tarducci, lb. p. 31.

PORTUGUESE CLAIMS. 63

Diego Cam as the cosmographer of the expedition. No one
was in a better position to know of CortereaFs discovery, no
one more desirous to bring it to the knowledge of the civil-
ized world.

Some may, perhaps, be impressed by seeing that the
coast where John Cabot's first discovery was made bears a
number of Potuguese names of gulfs, capes, rivers, and not
one is called after Cabot. This fact is one of the arguments
on which Lucian Cordeiro insists the most to prove his com-
patriot's prior discovery.* But the difficulty bursts and dis-
appears as soon as it is squeezed in the hand. 1 We have al-
ready mentioned that on their first voyage the Cabots touched
at the northern point of Cape Breton Island, but that after-
wards they and the English who followed them, continued
their navigations more to the north along the coast which they
called of the Baccalaos and which is now known as Labrador.
On the other hand, the Portuguese Caspar Cortereal, son of
Ioao Vaz,in 1500, sailed to and explored the seas and lands near
the place of that first discovery. He naturally gave names
to the places he discovered, and as these places came to be gen-
erally known and began to be visited by ships from Europe
after his navigation, it is easy to see why they should be called
by the names he gave, and no trace should remain of the gen-
eral term First-Seen-Land given by the Cabots, which only
indicated the simple record of the first discovery, and left for
European navigators no designation for the special knowl-
edge of the places. ^ It is also well to remember that the
Portuguese and Spaniards at that time possessed the field of
discovery, and the fresh results obtained by them were looked
for in Europe and at once made known ; whereas the Eng-
lish were coming forward for the first time, and with a discov-
ery which seemed of no importance. Is it any wonder, then,
that the matter was not known in Europe, and that the mod-
est advance of these new champions should be eclipsed by
the noisy and pompous arrival of champions already every-

* Luciano Cordeiro, De la decouverte de V Amerique, Paris, Veuve I ... P...
AillaudetC. 1876, p. 80.

64 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

where known and celebrated ? But, it is said, in the Atlas of
Vaz Dourado preserved in the Library of Munich, the map of
North America along the coast-line of Labrador bears the
names of Gulf of Ioao and Land of lodo Vaz. And a copy of
the same map made in Goa in 1571, has the same names.*
And what then ? Is the name of a person given to a place an
argument to prove that he discovered it ? If that is so, Prince
Edward's Island must have been discovered by the father of
the present Queen of Great Britain. f And an inmense num-
ber of other islands and lands must have been discovered by
the Isabellas, Carolines, Mariannes, Ferdinands, Philips,
Georges : in a word, the reigning houses of Spain, Portugal,
England could boast of a fine number of Princes and Princesses
who were navigators and discoverers. They had the same
part in discovering the islands and lands bearing their name
that Ioao Vaz had in discovering the gulf and land named
after him. The only difference is that if the names of princes
were sometimes introduced out of gratitude, it was more
often from adulation, whilst here it was the noble and holy
affection of a son. It is nothing strange that Gaspar Cortereal
among the many names he was conferring should have
given his father's also to a gulf and a land. Nor is it wonder-
ful that so many years later in designating the map of those
places there should be found amongst others the name of
Ioao Vaz.

CHAPTER V.

The first Letters Patent. — Expedition of 1497.

The three different accounts which we have of the old Bris-
tol chronicle agree in saying that John Cabot drew the King
of England into his design by force of the knowledge he

*Peschel, Qeschichte der Entdeckungen, p. 330. — From the article of L.
Hugues before cited, in the Memorie delta Societd Oeografica ltaliana, 1878.

f The Duke of Kent, son of George III. The island was named after him
when he was in North America at the head of the British fleet.

VOYAGES OF 1497. 65

showed of how to carry into effect the project he proposed.
"This year," says one of them, *' the King (by means of a Ven-
etian, which made himself very expert and cunning in Knowl-
edge of the circuit of the world, and islands of the same as by a
carde, and other demonstrations reasonable hee shewed) caused
to man and victuall a shippe," etc.'1 The same thing is re-
peated by the other two in the same words.* And this is the
only information we have of the long negotiations which
must have preceded the granting of the letters patent to John
Cabot by the King of England/ Henry VII was reigning
at that time, a king who with many fine qualities, was so ex-
tremely penurious and miserly that I doubt if his equal
ever sat on a throne. As such natures are generally led by
their fear and dislike of spending money to put a drag on all
negotiations, the opposition arising from the character of the
English monarch should no doubt, be counted amongst the
difficulties which John Cabot had to meet and overcome. And
it is worth noting that the royal patent makes express pro-
vision that the expenses of the expedition shall be at Cabot's
sole charge ; the government reserving itself the right to
share in the profits if it succeeds, f '

The patent bears date of March 5, 1496, and is in favor of
John Cabot, and also of his sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanzio.
and their descendants and heirs. It gives them the right to sail
in any part, country, and sea of the east, west, and north, un-
der the English flag, with five ships of any burden or qual-
ity, and any number of men they wished, but all at their own
expense, to look for and discover new lands of infidels and
pagans, whatever and wherever situated which before that time
had been unknown to all Christians. They might raise the royal
banner in any place or land they should discover, take pos-
session and exercise jurisdiction in the name of the King
of England. The vessels to and from those places were all to sail
from and enter the port of Bristol, and the patentees were
given the exclusive right to visit the new lands discovered

* See App. vii. viii. ix.

t Suiseteorum propriis sumptibus et expensis App. v.

5

66 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

and to trade with them. One fifth of the net income from
the expedition was reserved to the crown. They and their heirs
were to have the lands they discovered and occupied in per-
petual fee as subjects and vassals of the King of England, with
the absolute prohibition for any Englishman to visit those
places without the permission of John and his sons or their
delegates and representatives under pain of confiscation, not
only of their ships, but of all their property.*

Whatever the cause of delay, the undertaking approved in
1496 was not carried into effect till 1497. In explanation of
the delay it has been suggested that Spain raised obstacles to
Cabot's project, and this may very likely have had some-
thing to do with it. ' But perhaps the very difficulty of or-
ganizing the expedition is a sufficient explanation, if we con-
sider that Cabot was poor, and could not very easily have
found any one to bear the necessary expensed As the months
suited for navigation were those from spring to the middle of
summer, and the proposed voyage promised to be long, much
of the good season might have passed before he could get
ready, so that it would be necessary or prudent to wait till the
next year. In fact the expedition sailed in 1497 in the be-
ginning of May, and it could not have been ready by that
time in 1496, less than two months from the granting of the
patent required for the voyage.

How many ships composed the expedition? Pasqualigo says
in general terms " with a vessel"; Soncino more specially,
"with a vessel and 18 persons." f The contemporary chron-
icle of Bristol, in the Cottonian collection as well as in the
collections of Hakluyt and Stow, has it a ship manned at the
king's expense and three or four other small vessels furnished
by citizens of Bristol, on which some merchants of that city
and of London ventured some merchandise.^:

Which of these is the true account ? I notice that the
account in the chronicle is in contradiction with the words of
the patent, which expressly provides that the expedition shall
be at the sole expense of Cabot ; but at the same time that the

* See App. v. f See App. xi. and xiii. % See App. vii, viii, ix.

DISCOVERY OF 1497. 67

chronicler lived on the spot and wrote during the expedition,
and under such favorable circumstances it is strange that he,
only a step from the harbor out of which Cabot sailed, did not
know whether the ships added were three or four, and moreover
that his account is very general with no exact details. This
makes me suspect that he wrote less of his own knowledge than
from hearsay. On the other hand, I observe that Soncino is in
accord with Pasqualigo, and with the terms of the letters pat-
ent and gives the precise number of men that sailed on the
ship. This exactness of statement makes me think he searched
for correct information concerning the expedition ; and as he
tells us that he became a friend of John Cabot, and not only
gives conversations he held with him, but even reports as from
Cabot's own mouth minute particulars of his' future plan, I hold
that he had his information concerning this expedition di-
rectly from John Cabot himself. Hence I am inclined to be-
lieve that the expedition was really made with a single vessel,
but that on its departure it was joined, from hope of gain, by
three or four other small vessels with some small articles of mer-
chandise for the people that should be discovered ; but that
neither Soncino nor Pasqualigo made any account of these, as
they were no proper part of the expedition ; perhaps also be-
cause disheartened by the length of the voyage, they returned
and left the real ship of the expedition to pursue her voyage

alone.
j-

The expedition sailed from Bristol in the beginning of May
and returned early in August. This is one of the few points on
which the various accounts in the history of Cabot are in ac-
cord. The contemporary chronicle in the Cotton collection says
that the fleet took to sea in the beginning of summer, which
expression in language of seamen may very well be under-
stood in the broad sense of the whole season suited for naviga-
tion.* And in fact the account as inserted in Hakluyt says more
explicitly that the departure was in the beginning of May.f

* " departed from the West Cunlrey in the beginning of somer." See

App. vii.
ft . . . .departed from Bristowe in the beginning of May." See App. xm.

68 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

Lorenzo Pasqualigo writing to his brothers on the 23 Au-
gust on its return, says it was gone three months ;* then it
must have returned early in August. And in the account
book of Henry VII's privy purse under date of the 10th of
that month, we find this note of expense : "To him that
found the new Isle, 10 l.f

^Arriving at the new land, they went ashore and took pos-
session in the name of the King of England. There was one
circumstance accompanying the act of taking possession
which the Venetian Pasqualigo took to heart with much feel-
ing and related to his brothers. We have already mentioned
it when discussing the native land of John Cabot, as in the
great scarcity of documents it seemed to have some influence
on the decision of that question. But here, in its proper
place, we will briefly relate it again.

The ship he sailed on was English ; nearly all the seamen
who accompanied him in the toils and perils of the voyage
were English ;J he sailed for the profit and glory of England.
On landing, therefore, on the new shore, after planting there
the cross, after the custom of all discoverers as a sign that they
took possession in the name of Christ for the spreading of his
Faith and his Law, he planted by its side the banner of Eng-
land to mark the new country as the property of the Eng-
lish crown. And then drawn by that mysterious bond which,
at every distance of time and place, brings to us the image of
those dear to us, especially in the most solemn and consoling
moments of life ; he crossed in thought through the ocean,
passed over England, traversed Europe, and sought on the
shore of the Adriatic the glorious Queen of the Lagoons.
Twenty years had passed since he left her, but neither length of
time nor distance of place could weaken his tender affection.
And in the new land he had discovered by the side of Christ's
Cross with the banner of England he planted the flag of Venice.§7

* "Le venudo sto nostro Venetiano che ando con uno navilio de Bristo a
trovar Ixole nove. . . .et e stato mexi tre sul viazo." See App. xi.
+ See App. x.

X "Li compagni chi sono quasi tutti In^lesi e da Bristo." See App. xiii.
§ " Sto inventor di queste cose & irapiantato suli terreni a trovato una gran

HIS LIBERALITY. 69

Pasqualigo goes on to relate that returning to the ship
they sailed for 300 leagues along the coast, but saw no person
whatever. They found, however, some springes set to catch
game, and a needle for making fishing nets, which they kept to
carry to the king. They also saw some trees cut, so that they
were sure that the country was inhabited. * That they saw no
living soul is easily explained by the fear of the inhabitants,
if we remember how in the case of Christopher Columbus the
natives fled and hid themselves on the first appearance of his
ships.

For the present they deemed they had done enough, and
returned to England. On their way they discovered two isl-
ands, but passed on without landing at them, because they
were short of provisions. f From Pasqualigo's words it seems
clear that the land was very poor and the climate not happy,
and his words agree with what Sebastian Cabot afterwards
said in the brief description appended to his Map of 1544
where he calls it a sterile and uncultivated land abound-
ing only in wild animals.:): Soncino calls it "an excellent and
temperate land :"§ but on this point Soncino's testimony is
open to suspicion. He was tired of staying in England, and
sighed for a fat benefice in Lombardy : and intending to
speak to good purpose he writes to his master that many
friars will go back with Cabot to the New Land, where they
are promised bishoprics, and if he would go too he could
have an archbishopric, but prefers to remain in His High-
ness's service and wait for the favors he could not fail to receive
from the Duke. II Now he would not be inclined to belittle the

Croxe con ijna bandiera de Inghilterra e una di San Marcho per esser lui Vene-
tiano." Pasqualigo, App xi.

*".... e andato perlacosta lige 300, e e desmontato, e non a visto persona
alguna, ma a portato qui al Re certi lazi die era tesi per prendere salvadexine,
e uno ago da far rede, e a trovato certi albori tagliati, si che per questo iudicha
cbe xe persone . . . . " Pasqualigo, See App. xi."— et preso certi segnali, sene
ritornato." Soncino, App. xiii.

f " . . . . al tornar aldreto a visto do ixole, ma non ha voluto dessender per
non perder tempo, che la vituaria li maneava." Pasqualigo, App. xi.

X See App. iii. § See App. xiii.

I "Credo ancora andarano cum questo passaggio alcuu poveri frati italiani

70 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

refusal of the archbishopric by vilifying the land where it was
offered him. Still those words are all the praise he bestows
on the land, and these lose much of their force by his adding
that the discoverers had brought back "some tokens," as a
sample of the place, for if the land had been so excellent and
temperate they would, as was the case with Columbus, have
brought something deserving more special and honorable
mention than to be called "some tokens."
^ John Cabot's return seems to have wonderfully stirred and
warmed up the cold nature of the English. He returned with
the announcement that he had landed in the Grand Khan's
empire and was naturally believed by everybody.^

This announcement meant that he had opened the treas-
ures of all wealth to their ships and commerce. "These Eng-
lish," writes Pasqualigo, "follow him like idiots, "f

They called him "High Admiral," the king promised
him a fleet for a new expedition in the fine season, and the
principal merchants of Bristol vied to take part in it. J

These honors seem to have gone a little to his head, for
he put on showy garments of silk ; and in his confidence that
he had discovered extensive regions and great numbers of
people, he invited his companions and friends to share in his
fortune, bestowing islands and lands on some, and bishoprics
on others. Those selected for his generosity rejoiced in the

li quali hanno tutti promissione de' Vescovati, E per esser io fatto amico de
Larinirante, quando volessi andarvi, haverei uno Arcivescovato, ma ho pen-
sato chel sia piCi sicura cosa li beneficii quali V. E. me ha reservati." See App.

xm

* Soncino : " Sua Maesta ha guadagnato una parte de Asia senza colpo de
spada." App. xiii.

Pasqualigo : "Dice aver trovato lige 700 lontam de qui Teraferma, ze el
paexe del gran Cam." App. xi.

t " Chiamasi el gran Armirante e vienli fato grande honor, e va vestito de
seda, e sti Inglexi li vano driedi a mo pazi, e pur ne volese tanti quanti nav-
rebbe con lui !" Pasqualigo, App. xi.

% "El re li ha promesso a tempo novo navili X armati come lui vora." Pas-
qualigo, App. ib.

" Et a tempo novo se dice che la Maesta prefata armar& alcum navilii. . . . .
Et li principal dell' impresa sono de Bristo, grandi marinari. . " Soncino,
App. xiii.

HIS LIBERALITY.

71

greatness of their future honor, and he in their midst es-
teemed himself a Prince.*

Still in this cheap vanity there is a good and beautiful
side ; it is to see that his heart was not shut up with pride in
the sentiment of his grandeur, but gladly opened to share his
happiness with others. I (

One proof of what the new regions would produce was the
discovery that the sea was extraordinarily rich in fish ; a dis-
covery which we might be almost indifferent to in the XIX
century, but at the time of Cabot was joyful news for Eng-
land, because a certain source of great wealth for the nation.
In those days every Christian people scrupulously observed the
requirements of the church ; and in the strict observance by
everybody of lent and the vigils, fish had become a commod-
ity of prime necessity for all Christians. Iceland lived off
their commerce, Norway and the Baltic shores saw no ships
but those engaged in taking or conveying fish. It is easy,
then, to understand how pleasant to English ears was the
story of the discoverers, "that the sea was full of fish which
were caught not only with nets, but also with bags, a stone be-
ing tied to the bag to sink it," that they would bring from there
such quantities of fish that they should no longer depend on
Iceland, from which they received a very great trade of fish
which were called stock fish.f

But whilst others from that first sign of wealth drew
reason for unboundedly expanding their hopes in the treas-
ures of those regions, John Cabot from the triumph won drew
strength for new conflicts, desire for greater glory.
V He had composed a Map of the world on a plane, and an-
other on a globe, and on these he showed where he had
arrived, or rather where he believed he had arrived. " From
that place," writes Soncino, "he proposed to pass close

* "Ho ancora parlato cum uno Borgognone compagno di mess. Zoanne chi
afferma tutto, et vole tornarci perche lo armirante (che gi& messer Zoanne cosi
se intitula) li ha donato unalsola ; et ne ha donato una altra ad un suo barbero
da castione Genovese, et intrambi se reputanno Conti, ne monsignor Larmirante
se stimaraanco de principe." Soncino, App. xiii.
t f Soncino, App. xiii.

72 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

to land, further towards the east, till he comes opposite to
an island which he calls Cipango, situated m the equatorial
regions, where he believes all the spices grow, and also the
jewels, and he says that at other times he has been at Mecca
where the spices are brought by caravans from distant coun-
tries, and when he asked those that brought them where they
grew, they said they did not know, but that other caravans came
to their country with this merchandise from distant lands, and
they said they were brought to them from other regions remoter
still. And he argues that if the orientals tell the southerners
that these things are brought to them from afar and so on
from land to land, it is necessary, supposing the earth to be
round, that the last should get them from the north towards
the west."* This brief passage is all we know of the reasoning
of John Cabot on his voyages and explorations ; and I give it
in Soncino's own words, because, as he received the informa-
tion from Cabot's own lips, they seem to me in their antiq-
uity like an echo of the glorious Venetian's voiced

Whoever knows the story of Christopher Columbus is awrare
that Cipango was the dream and the sigh of the first discov-
erers who reached the New World, that noblest of islands, of
which it was reported that it "abounds with gold, pearls, and
gems, and the temples and royal dwellings are roofed with
plates of gold. "f

I conclude this chapter with the record of the munificence
of Henry VII towards John Cabot, who by his discovery had
opened to the Kingdom of England a future resplendent
with the brightest hopes of power and wealth. vl To this man
the King of England sent a present of ten pounds sterling. J
Peschel tries to defend the memory of that King by sup-
posing that the present was not for the discoverer, but for the
one who first saw the land.§ But this kind supposition is
opposed by the fact that in the same book are entered other

* App. xiii.

f From the Letter of Paul Toscanelli to Canon Fernando Martinez. See Tar-
ducci's Life of Columbus, Vol. i. p. 58.
% "To liym that foundethe new Isle. 1. 10." See App. x.
§ Zeitalter, p. 276.

THE PATENT OF 1498. ., 73

presents from the same King to those who sailed to places
already discovered by Cabot, or who discovered some island
in the same latitudes, and the name of Cabot is nowhere found
in it. And it does not seem supposable that the King who
recognized in some fashion the work of others should have
kept a close hand with him who opened the path for them
all.

But, whether because he was poor enough to be glad of any
offering, or rather because he prudently wished to retain the
King's good will, John Cabot in his speech magnified the
English Sovereign's generosity and regard for him. *

CHAPTER VI.

The Second Letters Patent. — Preparations for the expedition of
1498.— John Cabot's Death.

A great surprise now awaits us. The letters patent of
March 5, 1496, contained many extensive rights and privi-
leges not only in favor of John Cabot, but of each of his sons
and their descendants and heirs, with full power to delegate
their authority to representatives without any limitation of
time or place. But now, on February 3, 1498, new letters
patent are issued granting all necessary authority to
seize in the ports of England from the ships that happened to
be there, the number required for the expedition ; but they
are addressed to JohA. The King calls him his "well beloved,"
mentions the discovery he had made, leaves him free to choose
his ships and crew, all the officers of the government owe as-
sistance to John, John can delegate his authority to others,

* " El re. . . ali dato danari." Pasqualigo, App. xi.

"Questa Maesta. . .li da assai bona provisione come esso messer Zoanne me
dice." . . . Soncino, App. xiii.

74 THE LIFE OE JOHN CABOT.

John is the head of the new expedition. Not the slightest
mention is made of the sons, not the least allusion to the pre-
vious patent, not a syllable that can be construed as confir-
mation or revocation, of the privileges granted.* What is
the meaning of this ?

We are wholly in the dark.

The number of ships for the new expedition was fixed at six
of 200 tuns burden and under, and could be taken in
any port of England as well as of all other places subject to
the English Grown ; and the sums to be paid for them were
to be regulated by what the government would pay if it took
them for its own service on its own account, f On this occa-
sion no time seems to have been lost, but they went to work
immediately upon the issuing of the letters patent authoriz-
ing the taking of the ships, with much energy ; since it appears
from some contributions made from the King's privy purse,
of which we shall speak in the next chapter, that in the fol-
lowing March the preparations for the expedition were in full
activity.

Pasqualigo and Soncino, in their letters of the previous
year, both tell us that all prisoners except those for treason
went to people the new lands, and this was proposed, accord-
ing to Pasqualigo's words, by Cabot himself.^ But the letters
patent of February 3, make no mention of this forced colon-
ization ; on the contrary they say expressly that'' the seid John

maye take and receyve into the seid shippes ... all suche

maisters, maryners, pages, and our subjects as of their owTen
free wills woll goo and pass with hym .... to the seid Land or
lies. " § But probably it should be understood as meaning
that their free will was reserved for free citizens, while the
malefactors in the public prisons were sent by force.

From the time of the grant of the second patent, the name of

* See App. xiv. f Ibid

X Pasqualigo— "El re. . . .ali dato tutti i presonieri da traditori in f uora che
yadano con lui come lui a ricuiesto . . . ."App. xi.

Soncino — "la Maesta prefata. . .et ultra li dani tutti li malfatori, et andarano
in quello paese ad fare una colonia . . ."App. xiii.

§ See App. xiv.

THE PATENT OF 1498. 75

John Cabot completely disappears : and the few notices which
remain of the navigations of 1498 prepared by him, all present
his son Sebastian as its head. From this all the historians have
inferred that he was hindered from taking command of that
expedition, or more probably died soon after the granting of the
patent Against this general opinion Desimoni has opposed
the examination of Ayala's dispatch, the most extended
and detailed document concerning this expedition which has
come down to us, and which gives clearly the command of the
expedition to the same person who proposed and organized it*
In fact it begins by referring to the Genoese discoverer who for
seven years has been going in search of the island of Brazil
and the seven cities; it goes on to say that the King has de-
termined to make the expedition, having had certain news
that the Genoese had really found land the year before. It
continues by relating how the expedition was struck by a
furious storm and one of the ships turned back, but neverthe-
less, the Genoese kept on his voyage, and that the return of the
expedition was looked for in September. f Here it is undeniable
that the command of the expedition was assumed by the same
person who had discovered land the year before, and had sailed
over the northern seas for the last seven years in search of new
islands and lands : consequently by John Cabot. But as after
the return of the expedition there is no mention of John Cabot,
but only of Sebastian, as its head, we must suppose, accord-
ing to Desimoni, that John perished during the expedition,
not before. The reasoning of Desimoni is clear and convinc-
ing, and therefore it seems to me that we must accept his
supposition and place John Cabot's death during the expedi-
tion on the new battle-field where he was fighting to enlarge
and increase the fruits of his victory.

The fame of John Cabot is almost lost to the memory
of posterity, and it is only a few years since that the attention
of students has been again directed to him with interest and
affection. But it may be said that each of those years has

* Intorno a Giovanni Caboto Genovese, etc.— Genova, Tipografia del R. Isti-
tuto dei Sordomuti, 1881— p. 53.
t See App.xvi.

76 THE LIFE OF JOHN CABOT.

shed additional splendor on his name and merits. He suf-
fered from what makes a father's greatest happiness, the
glory of his son, Sebastian Cabot, who was greatest among the
great, lived to the ripest old age, held in two nations the
highest position in the marine, drew the most lively attention
of mankind to his name and his work : so that the figure of
the father was lost sight of. And as the son not only con-
tinued the father's work, but was his companion and co-op-
erator, mankind deceived by the splendor that radiates from
the name of Sebastian attributed to him likewise what was
the work of his father. Two writers principally have con-
tributed to this mistake, Peter Martyr D' Anghiera and Giam-
battista Ramusio, who without the least mention of John as-
cribe everything to Sebastian ; and as their writings had a
very extreme circulation, the error was spread by them and
became general, not even the truthful testimony of Hakluyt
being able to counteract the trumpet of the others, buried as
it was in the collection of his big volumes, hardly known by
name, still less read, out of England. But still in the
splendor of the picture where the great figure of Sebastian
shone all alone, it was never possible to efface entirely that of
John. It appeared always low down in the background,
hardly distinguishable in the shade, but still ever visible, and
from there it seemed to say : "And I then ?"

The American, Richard Biddle, the first to give to history
a profoundly thought-out book on Sebastian Cabot, wished
to blot out completely the rest of that figure which ap-
peared in the background of the picture, and concentrates the
spectator's whole attention on the figure of Sebastian, spark-
ling in the richness of the coloring and drawing. But his ef-
forts were idle, for the more he labored to persuade the be-
holder that the figure of Sebastian rose all alone by itself and
had no support from another figure, no relation with it, the
more the eye felt drawn to the mysterious figure there in the
background of the picture, and to the ear came more sensibly
distinct his question : "And I then ?"

In these last years the truth has finally triumphed, and
the documents discovered, though few in number yet suf-

THE HONOR DUE TO JOHN CABOT. 7 7

ficient for the purpose, have restored to John the light that
was due him, and drawn his figure out of the shade and
placed it in full view. If the love of my subject does not
veil my judgment, it seems to me that one of the very first
places in the history of discoveries belongs to John Cabot.
For without any impulse or guidance from others, by the
mere force of his will and strength of his enthusiasm, he
raised himself above the common herd of navigators for com-
merce and wealth, and launched out into the fearful soli-
tudes of northern oceans, panting after discovery ; and the
failure of a first, a second, a third attempt does not lessen his
ardor or weaken his resolve * he returns to the attack . . .
and he wins. True, he has his son Sebastian for a companion
in his victory, but the son was not yet twenty years old, and
at that age, however great his genius and his skill in the
sciences relating to navigation, he could give but little aid to
his father's vigorous strength. And if the work of the
younger in later voyages was very efficient, it is still John
that led the victorious band ; to him alone is the discovery
of 1497 ascribed in public and private documents, and it is
his name alone that resounds in the shouts and huzzas of the
English nation. If the expedition of 1498 wTas led by the
son, it was still unquestionably prepared, set forward, and
for a time conducted by the father. Not then in the second
rank, still less lower, is the place that belongs to John Cabot
in the glorious phalanx of discoverers, but he must be hailed
among the highest, very near the supreme chief that led them
all, Christopher Columbus. '

78 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER VII.

Sebastian Cabot.

To the post of John Cabot in command of the fleet succeeded
his son Sebastian. The fact is unquestioned, but nowhere is
there the least indication where and how this happened.*
If the letters patent of March 5, 1496, mention the sons of
John in the order of age, as is likely, Sebastian would be the
second, f There is no trace anywhere of the other two or of
their mother, who was still living when John's discovery
created such rejoicing in England.:):

From the confined cicle in which we have till now turned
so uncomfortably we pass at present into a field of vast extent;
but the thick fog which has all along obscured this short path
we had to follow, unfortunately does not leave us, and the little
light which here and there breaks through, although sufficient
to show how broad the field before us and what a giant was
laboring in it, is too little to enable us to see his work and the
gratitude that posterity owes to his genius and energy.

We must lament this want of light at the first step we take
in this story as in that of his father John ; for the same question
is discussed concerning him, — whence came he? and where was

* Gaffarel says that : The Letters Patent provided for the case of John's
death and Sebastian's succession to the command. 'Tar bonheur les lettres
patentes avaient prevu le ens, et son fils Sebastien en qunlite de representant
dument autorise, put, malgre sa jennesse, prendre le commandement de 1
escadre." Histoire de la decouverte de V Amerique, Paris, 1892. T. ii. p. 293.

But this is not correct: the letters patent make no allusion to this case. See

App- v-
f Dilectis nobis Joanni Cabotto civi venetiarum ac Ludovico, Sebastiano et

Sancto filiis dicti Joannis App. v.

% "... e con so moier venitiana e con so fioli a Bristo." Pasqualigo App. xi. ix.

BIRTH-PLACE OF SEBASTIAN. 79

he born? The Italians make out that he was born at Venice; the
English claim his birth for Bristol. In examining this question,
I believe we should set aside all writers, however celebrated, of
later date who hold to either side, for the bundle of their
names seems to me a load encumbering free judgment; and I
take only old authors who being either contemporary with
Sebastian, or very nearly so, may furnish us authority of some
weight.

He is made out to be English by Richard Eden, who knew
him personally, was his friend, and was present at his death-
bed;* by the Epitome of Chronicles, already mentioned; and by
the chroniclers Grafton, Holinshed, and Stow, who follow the
Epitome ;f Hakluyt, who published in 1582 his collection of
the voyages and discoveries of the English in America; J and
Herrera, the historian of the Spanish achievements in the New
World, who composed his history in the last years of the XVI
century and must have conversed often and long on the facts
with Sebastian when he was in the Spanish service.§

On the other side, for Venice, are Peter Martyr D'
Anghiera, who published his decades under Sebastian's eyes,
was his friend, and had him as his guest in his house ;||
Gaspare Contarini, Venetian ambassador in Spain, who knew
him personally and had conversations with him on the

* His words will be given a little further on.

| All have "an Englishe man, borne at Bristo, but was the sonne of a Geno-
way.'' See ch. i.

X " In the time of . . . Henry VII, Letters Patent were .... graunted
to John Caboto, an Italian ... to discover remote . . . country, which di-
scovert was afterwards executed ... by Sebastian and Sancius his son, who
were born in England." Vol. iii. p. 16.

The name of Sancius, which Hakluyt here joins with Sebastian's, is found in
no document, so that it must be supposed that the name dropped from Hakluyt's
pen from want of attention, or else that Sebastian's brother Sancius was as-
sociated with him in the beginning and for some reason or other afterwards
ceased to assist him.

§ "Este desseo . . movio el Rey a traer a su servicio Sebastian Gaboto

Ingles . . . " — Hist. gen. de los Castellanos " — Dec. i. lib. ix.

Cap. 13.

|| " Scrutatus est eas Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus . . . Fa-
miliarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum et contubernalem interdum .... " A pp.
xviii.

80 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

most subtile matters.* Andrea Navagero who succeeded
Contarini in office, July 21, 1524. while Sebastian Cabot was
alive and present ;f Francisco Lopez de Gomara, who pub-
lished his general history of the Indies in Spain hardly four
years after Sebastian's departure, and whose rank and the
character of whose studies allow us no doubt that he knew and
conversed with one who was the highest authority in that
marine, the glorious deeds of which he was engaged in re-
lating ;J finally Girolamo Ramusio and the testimony of
an anonymous writer who had detailed information on his
life and voyages from Cabot himself and on his authority, for,
if he was not personally acquainted with Sebastian, he
nevertheless had epistolary correspondence with him on the
subject of discoveries. §

To these should be added with special notice Francis Bacon,
born a little after Cabot's death, because his testimony ac-
quires a special value from the recognized weight of his
opinion, and because he was himself an Englishman.! Let
us now look at these testimonies separately and weigh their
value. That of the Epitome of Chronicles is taken from the
place, already extracted, where speaking of Sir Hugh Wil-

* His words will be given with Eden's further on.

f*«. . . Un' altra armata . . . parlira . . . della quale e capitano uu Se-
bastian Cabot to Venetiano." — App. xxxii.

X "Qui en mas noticia traxo desta tierra fue Sebastian Gaboto Veneciano."—
App. xxi.

§ Anonimo :— "Non sapete a questo proposito . . . quel che fece gia un
vostro cittadino Veneziano" v. App xix.

Ramusio : — " . . . come mi fu scritto . . .^al Sig. Sebastian Gabotto no-
stro Vinitiano."

From the dedicatory letter to the celebrated Fracastoro prefixed to the third
volume of his great collection. I omit from these names that of the Portuguese
historian Antonio Galvao who wrote his Tratado a few years after Sebastian's
death (1563), because as personally a stranger to Sebastian, in the place where
he lived, he naturally could speak of him only on the credit of others. His
words are :

"No anno de 1496 achandosehum Venezeano pernome Sebastiano Caboto
..." App. xxii.

I "There was one Sebastian Gaboto, a Venetian, dwelling in Bristol, a man
seen and expert in cosmography and navigation." Franc. Bacon's History of
King Henry VII, p. 88, London 1778.

BIRTPI-PLACE OF SEBASTIAN. 81

loughby's expedition, it is said that it was promoted by Sebas-
tian Cabot, son of a Genoese, but born at Bristol. Treating at
that time of the birthplace of John Cabot, we made a long
and careful examination of these words, and we saw, and felt
with our hands that they are an interpolation of Crowley's
made from caprice and without the support of any doc-
ument. Consequently the authority of the Epitome of Chronicles
must be rejected now in Sebastian's case for the same reason
as before in his father's. We saw then also and felt that the
chroniclers Grafton, Holinshed and Stow had simply copied
the notice in the Epitome, and consequently the rejection of
the authority of the Epitome necessarily involves the rejec-
tion of all based on it.

Hakluyt's authority is great, and so is that of Herrera ;
they both searched the old records with zeal, conscientiousness,
and judgment ; the one to reproduce them as they were, the
other to compose from them his history. But precisely be-
cause, being some years subsequent to Cabot's death, they had
to rely for their assertions on those old records, all the value
of their authority rests on these. And as there are only the
authors cited above that make Sebastian Cabot born at Bristol;
excluding the chroniclers and Stow, the whole weight of the
assertion is left to rest on Richard Eden's word.

The witnesses testifying in favor of Venice are all contem-
poraries and personal acquaintances, or at least correspondents
of Sebastian Cabot. Yet, to be more scrupulously exact, let
us exclude from these also all who are unable to give us a
solid basis for their authority. Let us leave out Andrea Na-
vagero, although as Venetian ambassador to Spain when
Sebastian Cabot was chief pilot of that Kingdom, everything
leads us to believe that he must have had occasion to talk
with him, at court or elsewhere ; but, as we have no sure evi-
dence of their having met, let us exclude him.

Let us leave out Girolamo Ramusio, because, although he
was in epistolary correspondence with Sebastian Cabot, the
great distance which parted them may lead us reasonably to
suspect that his knowledge of Cabot's life did not extend be-
yond his great achievements of voyage and discovery. The

82 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

anonymous writer, whose account he reports, might be valid
authority, because he visited Cabot, talked with him, ques-
tioned him about his voyages, and since they were both Vene-
tians, it seems more than likely that their conversation must
have brought up the subject of his native country. But as we
cannot be sure of it, but only argue from probability, let us
put him also aside.

Gomara wrote a general history of the Indies, and the sub-
ject led him to speak very often of Spanish navigations ; and
in such position it seems not only unlikely, but impossible that
he should have had no relations with Sebastian Cabot, who
held the first place in the Spanish Marine. Still his relations
with him might very well have been confined to the matter of
which he was treating in his history, without going into de-
tails of the Chief Pilot's life : let us therefore, put him too
aside. In this way we narrow the whole dispute to Peter Mar-
tyr and Contarini for Venice, and Richard Eden for Bristol.

Eden, in the margin of his translation of the Decades of
Peter Martyr de Anghiera, writes these wTords : "Sebastian
Cabote tould me that he was borne in Brystowe, and that
at iiii yeare ould he was carried with his father to Venice, and
so returned agayne into England with his father after cer-
tayne years, whereby he was thought to have been borne in
Venice."*

This evidence is positive, and seems as if it ought to put an
end to the dispute. But, lo ! the Venetian ambassador Gaspare
Contarini in a letter to the council of Ten written just after a
conversation he had with Sebastian, writes that Sebastian him-
self said to him : " Sir Ambassador, to tell you the whole, I
wras born in Venice, but brought up in England. "f

Which of the two are we to credit ? which of the two was
mistaken ? Certainly Contarini was not mistaken, for he
wrote right after his conversation with Sebastian, and the
whole purport of the letter he is writing to the council of

* The Decades of the New Worlde, London 1555 f . 255.
f Signor ambasciatore, per dirle il tuto, io naqui a Vuuetia, ma sura nutrito
en Ingelterra. See App. xxvi.

83

Ten has for its starting-point the fact that Sebastian Cabot
was born at Venice. Perhaps some one may object that Sebas-
tian Cabot at that time had great need of the Venetian Re-
public, as we shall see further on ; and therefore it is not out
of place to suspect that he was carried so far by the necessity
of the case as to say what was not true. But this objection
is soon dispelled. The same assertion which Cabot made to
the ambassador Contarini in Spain, he had previously made
at Venice itself through one whom he sent to the council of
Ten.* Can it be supposed that a man arrived at the very
high rank which Cabot had attained to, earnest, serious,
considerate in every thing as he was, would hazard so explicit
and absolute a declaration "I was born at Venice," with-
out being certain of the fact, without being able to prove
clearly and unquestionably, if need were, the truth of what he
was saying, considering that the application he was making
to the Venetian Senate was entirely founded on the fact that
he had been born at Venice ? But let us for a moment accept
this supposition and set aside even his own testimony as
being suspicious. No sort of suspicion can attach to the
historian Peter Martyr d' Anghiera, who not only says
that Sebastian was born in Venice, but that he was taken
from there, and tells us why. And he could not have got
this information from Contarini, for the Decade where he
speaks of it was published seven years before the conversation
between Contarini and Cabot took place, f His evidence is the
same as though it came directly from the lips of Sebastian
himself, for Peter Martyr was his friend, his companion
at court, had him as a guest in his house, and published this
Decade of his precisely during the period of that hospitality;
indeed, in his account he joins the information concern-
ing Cabot with the fact that he has Cabot a guest in his

* " Disse essev sta mandato per uno Sebastian Cabotto, che dice esser di
questa citta nostra ..." Letter of the council of Ten, September 22, 1522.
App. xxv.

t The Decade was published in 1516, and the conversation with Contarini
occurred towards the end of 1523.

84

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

house.* Thus it is clear, natural, undoubtable that he had his
information from Sebastian's own mouth ; for it cannot
be supposed that with such opportunity as he had of learning
the truth from the very lips of one who was at his side, at his
table, at his conversation, he, an historian, would fail to
question him and learn the truth from him. Sebastian at that
time had no need of Venice, which might cast suspicion on his
word, but was on the point of hastening to a fresh triumph of
his navigations with the money and aid of Spain, f and An-
ghiera was writing the story of Spanish discovery. There was
therefore no reason, direct or indirect, for Cabot untruthfully
to place his birth in Venice.

Therefore his repeated declaration at different times, to
different persons, under different circumstances, with many
years interval between them, must be held conformed in
every thing and throughout to the truth.

But then did Eden lie ? Avezac has shown by many proofs
that Eden with great dexterity makes history say whatever he
thinks or chooses it should say, and if he showed no scruple in
this freedom, there was still less good critical sense. Translat-
ing for example, the first three Decades of Peter Martyr d'
Anghiera, he came to a place where the historian calls Sebas-
tain Cabot "his concurialis," which means "who is with me
here at the court:" Eden, knowing that Peter Martyr was a
member of the Supreme Council of the Indies, translated it
that Cabot was also a member of that high board, whereas
we have in Herrera the list of all the members of that council,
and Sebastian Cabot's name is not among them.J But this
might have been an oversight in translating : it is real
audacity for him to give the name and surname of the anony-
mous writer in Ramusio. Ramusio (and we shall speak of it

* "Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum et contubernalem interdum

concurialis noster est, expectatque in dies lit navigia sibi parentur

Martio menseanni futuri MDXVI puto ad explorandum discessunim." See
App. xviii.

f See preceding note.

% Revue Critique cV Histoire et de Litterature. Premier Semestre, 1870. pp.
265—266.

85

at greater length further on) places in his collection " a great
and admirable discourse .... of a gentleman, a very great
philosopher and mathematican .... whose name out of respect
is not given . . "*Eden translated this discourse and coming to
this passage, instead of respecting the author's secret, thought
it best to satisfy the reader's curiosity by revealing the name,
surname, and country of the anonymous narrator, and made
it known that he was the Bolognese Galeazzo Bottrigari, Pope's
nuncio in Spain. Where did he get this information ? He
does not say. On what proof is it based ? He does not tell.
But the beauty of it is that when the anonymous speaker
made the discourse Bottrigari had been sleeping for thirty
years in his grave, f

After that, what reliance can be had on the word of one
who so easily makes assertions openly contradicting the truth ?

However, there is a way of explaining the opposing
testimony of Eden without offence to his memory, by sup-
posing him to have been the victim of a misunderstanding.
Even Avezac, for a moment, advances this supposition. I
say " for a moment, " because he hardly hints a suspicion of
this misunderstanding, before he repeats more vehemently
than before his charge of falsehood against Eden. $ We may
then suppose that Eden had the correct information from
Cabot as to his native land, as it had already been given to
Peter Martyr and Contarini ; but from lack of attention or
other cause he misunderstood his words and gave them a

* "Un grande et ammirabile ragiouamento . . . . di un gentil' huomo,
grandissimo philosopho et mathematico, . . . il nome del quale per suoi
rispetti non si dice. . . " See App. xix.

f Galeazzo Bottrigari, Papal Nuncio to Ferdinand, King of Spain, died in
Bologna, his native country, in 1518, and was buried in a sarcophagus in the
church of St. Francis. Afterwards the sarcophagus was transferred to the
Carthusian cemetery where it is still to be seen.

t" Nous croyons raisonnable de soupconner un qui pro quo dans l'esprit
aventureux du compilateur, & qui probableraent Cabot avait dit en realite,
comnie a tous les autres, qu'il etait ne & Venise, et avait 6te, d6s son jeune
age(quattre aus expressementcettefois), ainene a Bristol parson p£re" — a little
after he gives Eden a worse dose, and says "il n'y aura qu'nne falsification
fantaisiste de plus a porter au compte de Richard Eden, coutumier du fait.''
p. 266-267.

86 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

meaning quite opposite to the true. Let us compare the
words of Eden with those of Peter Martyr and we shall see
that this supposition is well founded. Peter Martyr says :
"Sebastian Cabot was by birth a Venetian but taken by his
parents to England whilst almost an infant."* And Eden :
" Sebastian Cabot was born at Bristol, but at the age of four
years was taken to Venice." Substitute Venice and Bristol for
each other and the two accounts agree. Another thing to be
observed is, that when Peter Martyr mentions the carrying of
Sebastian from Venice to England in his infancy, he gives,
although parenthetically, as the reason of his being taken
there so young, the custom of the Venetians of living in any
part of the world for the sake of commerce Eden does not
take the trouble to tell us why John Cabot took his little child
of four years of age on so long a journey as that from
England to Venice, but is careful to inform us that Sebas-
tian Cabot was supposed to be a Venetian in conse-
quence of that journey. The parenthesis inserted by Peter
Martyr is incorporated with the substance itself oi the story.
Eden's added fact barely hangs on it by a thread, and dis-
closes his desire to give authority for believing what was
merely a vague report, but which he was anxious to have
thought true. We may add that the information furnished by
Eden contradicts good sense. Suppose John Cabot had taken
his boy at that tender age to Venice, and brought him back
"after certayne years." The expression, certain years, does not
mean three or four, but at least extends to eight or ten ; and
the child would then be twelve or fourteen years of age,
about to reach, if he had not already reached the age at
which parents sent their children to study at Venice. Would
John Cabot have taken his away from there at that time ?
Strangers felt need of the schools of Venice at that age,
but John Cabot, who already had the use of them, would
have removed his child ? Sebastian turned out one of the first

*"Sebastianu3 Cabotus geneie Venetus, sed a parentibus in Britanniam ten-
dentibus (uti mos est Veuetorum qui commeicii causa terraruai omnium sunt
hospites) transportatus pseneinfans." App. xviii.

HARRISSE7S ARGUMENT. 87

men of his age in the sciences which relate to navigation ;
where did he learn these sciences ? Not in England, for
there were no suitable schools there. Where then ? Sub-
stitute, as we said, Bristol and Venice one for the other in
Eden's story, and all runs smooth. With not another syllable
changed it will be " Sebastian Cabot was born in Venice
whence at the age of four years he was taken to Bristol ;
and from there after certain years he returned again to Ven-
ice." Why did he return to Venice ? To make his studies. In
this way the reason of every thing is clear.

This reasoning, in my opinion is more than sufficient to
win the cause for Venice. But Harrisse has given another ar-
gument drawn from the English laws, which I present here-
with in the learned American's own words. * The petition to
Henry VII in 1496 is in the name of John Cabot and Lewis,
Sebastian, and Sancius, his sons ; and John does not appear
as the guardian of his sons; but they figure in xheir own full
personal capacity. So also the letters patent of March 5, 1496,
recognize the individual and distinct character of each of the
four pateu tees; and the grant is notto them jointly, but separ-
ately to each of them and his heirs and representatives : " to
our well-beloved John Cabot citizen of Venice and to Lewis,
to Sebastian, and to Sancius, sons of the said John, and to their
and each of their heirs and deputies, "f

The way in which the letters patent are expressed evidently
supposes each of the grantees to have attained to his majority.
Besides this, they specify or imply grants which by the Eng-
lish law can only be enjoyed by those of age, as for instance,
to make contracts, to appoint commissioners, to take charge
of lands, to administer law, to grant licenses.^ It cannot be said
that Henry VII by his royal authority created in favor
of the minor sons of John Cabot a civil capacity in violation
of the common law, for only Parliament had that power, and
any thing in letters patent issued by the sovereign in contra-
vention of that common law would be null and void.§

* Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 39, 40.

f Eorura ac cujuslibet eorum haeredibus et deputatis. See App. v.

j: Blackstone's commentaries, New York, 1851. vol.i. Book i. c. xvii. 3. P.

^ lb. Book ii. cb. xxi. vol. i. op. 280, 281.

88 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

John Cabot's three sons had then reached their majority, in
1496, which according to the law of England was fixed at twen-
ty-one years, until which time they are under guardianship.*

Therefore, Sebastian Cabot on March 5, 1495 must have
been twenty-two years old at least, for his younger brother
Sancius must have completed his twenty-first year ; con-
sequently, he must have been born before March 5, 1474. But
John Cabot's letters of naturalization issued by the Venetian
Senate March 28, 147(isay that for fifteen years he had had a
permanent residence in Venice, f Therefore Sebastian who
was at least two years old at that date must have been born
at Venice.

Now let us resume our way.

After the general mention by Ayala that John Cabot had
sailed every year from 1491 with the men of Bristol in search
of the islands of Brazil and of the Seven Cities, the next no-
tice we find of him is in the anonymous narrative inserted
in Ramusio's collection. This relates that Sebastian Cabot, son
of John, had said that '"when his father left Venice many
years before and went to live in England, he took him with
him to the city of London, that he was very young, yet not so
young but what he had learned humanities and the Sphere.

"My father died at the time that news came that Senor Don
Christopher Columbus had discovered the coasts of the Indies
and it was much talked of in all the court of King Henry VII,
who was then reigning, and said to be rather a divine than a
human thing to have found that way, never before known, of
going to the east where the spices grow. From this I conceived
a great desire, or rather a burning of the heart to do also
something distinguished, and knowing by the nature of the
Sphere, that if I sailed by way of the north-west wind I should
have a shorter distance to find the Indies, I immediately made
this thought of mine known to the King who was much
pleased. "J

* "Ad annum vigesimum primum et eo usque juveues sub tutelam reponunt."
J Stieuahook, De Jure Su-evorum et Gothorum libri duo, Holmie, 1672 —
cited by Blackstone.
f "Quieumque annis xv. . . Venetiis continue habitasset." App. ii
X See App.

INFLUE^TCED BY COLUMBUS^ SUCCESS. 89

The reader must have remarked that the anonymous
writer has fallen into two serious mistakes of fact, one, that he
makes John die in 1493, whereas he was still living in 1498;
the other, that he excludes him altogether from the glory of
the English discoveries and gives all the credit of them to his
son Sebastian. Further on we shall have a better opportunity
to turn to this and other errors of fact in Ramusio's narrative,
at present we merely call attention to it and pass on.

The beginning of the narrative is somewhat confused and,
but for the certain information wre have from other sources,
we might be led to believe that John Cabot's departure from
Venice, and his going to England, and then to London, were
all in close succession. This indeliniteness of the narrative is
easily explained by reflecting that Anonymous had his mind
fixed on London, to tell us where and on what occasion Cabot
got the starting-point of his glorious career of discovery.
Hence he hardly touches in flying such matters as have no
direct bearing on his plan, except so far as necessary to under-
stand the main point of his narrative. But we, who know
them from other sources, may enlarge on them and fill the
gap in his narrative. Thus we understand that in a voyage of
his from Bristol to London John Cabot had his son Sebastian
with him, and that this was when the news of Christopher
Columbus's discovery reached London.

Sebastian's young mind, sensitive to strong impressions,
felt greatly moved at the discourses and the great marvel
that was made at that event, the more so that he was not
only a seaman's son, born in a city whose glory, power, and
wealth were all on the sea, but because his natural inclin-
ation had led him to study geography, and in the profit he
had derived from it he was in a better condition to appreciate
the work and measure the greatness of the famous Genoese
than many of his most enthusiastic panegyrists. It was those
discourses which fanned the flame that was smouldering in
his heart, and opened to his young fancy the boundless fields
of future conflicts in the danger and glory of discovery. The
year following Sebastian stamped his name with his father's
in the first discovery of the American Continent.

9Q THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER VIII.

Expedition of 1498.

What number of vessels did the expedition of 1498 consist
of? — Pasqualigo had told his brothers the year before that
the King promised ten ships for the new expedition : Soncino
wrote the Duke of Milan that there would be from fifteen to
twenty.* The letters patent of February 3 provide for a
fleet of six ships :f but the Spanish ambassador, writing
after the expedition had sailed, puts the number at five. +

There were but two according to Peter Martyr D'Anghiera,
and Ramusio and Gomara agree with him ; but whereas
Peter Martyr says they were manned at Cabot's expense. §
Ramusio says they were at the King's ; || and Gomara for
want of positive information confines himself to reporting
that some said they were at the King's, and some at Cabot's
own expense. T

It would seem a hopeless case to try to open a passage
through such intricate entanglements of contradiction, and
that the best plan would be to cut it short, sweeping aside
all this encumbrance of thorns and brambles we find in the

*Pasqualigo :— "El re le apromesso a tempo novo navil x . . . " App. xi.

Soncino : — "la Maesta de Re questo priino bono tempo gli vole raaudare
xv in xx navili." — App. xii.

f" . . . . may take at his pleasure vi Englishe Shippes .... " — App. xiv.

|"E1 rey de Inglaterra embio cinco naos."App. xv.

Ayala repeats bis colleague's words, as be does throughout : "Delarrnada que
hizo que fueron cinco naos . . . "App. xvi.

§ "Duo is sibi navigia propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit." App. xvii.

|| "Subito feci intendere questo mio pensiero alia Maesta del Re, il qual . . .
mi armo due caravelle." App. xix.

T[ "El qual armo dos navios en Inglaterra. ... a costa del Rey Enrique Sep-
timo .... otros disen que a su costa .... "App. xxi.

CONTRADICTORY STATEMENTS. 01

way. But the matter deserves a little patient labor and per-
haps the work spent on it will not be unprofitable. For one
thing, I believe we must leave out Pasqualigo and Soncino en-
tirely, for neither could do more than repeat the rumors then
current. And even admitting that the King in the heat of en-
thusiasm named a rather high figure, a more calm and accu-
rate consideration may have shown him that the number men-
tioned in the letters patent was sufficient. As to the other
statements I think our labor will succeed best if we first un-
tangle the snarl in the contradiction between Peter Martyr
and Ramusio.

I have already said, and repeat it here, that Anghiera wrote
and published his Decade in which he speaks of this expedi-
tion while Sebastian Cabot was a guest in his house. It is
therefore to my mind undoubted that he received or verified
his information from Cabot's own lips. But the anonymous
whose discourse is reported by Ramusio also had his direct
from Sebastian. How then account for the open contradiction
in their words on this point ? It would be absurd to suppose
that Sebastian wanted to deceive either of them on this whilst
giving him correct information on all other matters. We
must then suppose that the memory of one or the other was
at fault. Of which one ? Of Ramusio's anonymous, because
Anghiera wrote his information fresh from Cabot's lips ; the
anonymous on the contrary referred to his memory a long
time after, and his information only reaches us at third hand
through Ramusio, who besides, from the very commencement
of his narrative, protests that he does not feel himself capable of
relating it in all its particulars as they were told. As we have
no reason for suspecting Sebastian's word, we must believe that
the two ships were manned at Cabot's expense as Peter Martyr
says, and not at the King's as reported by Ramusio. Another
difficulty is here presented, how, namely, the King could draw
back from all share in the equipment of the fleet after all his
enthusiasm the year before. But the difficulty vanishes when
we remember the miserly nature of Henry VII. An English
historian says of him : "Avarice was, on the whole, his ruling
passion ; and he remains an instance, almost singular, of a

92

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

man placed in a high station, and possessed of talents for great
affairs, in whom that passion predominated above ambition.
So insatiable was his avarice. . . By all these arts of accumula-
tion, joined to a rigid frugality in his expense, he so filled
his coffers, that he is said to have possessed in ready money
the sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds ; a
treasure almost incredible, if we consider the scarcity of
money in those times."* It may be well to recall here that
when John Cabot had roused the whole people of England
to enthusiasm by his discovery and was generally believed to
have opened to them a new era of incalculable wealth, King
Henry in token of the royal participation in the general re-
joicing and of his munificent recognition of so great an event
sent him a present of ten pounds sterling. What wonder is
it that this miserly disposition, which on every grave oc-
casion had often induced him to forget all regard for the
majesty of his throne and his own personal decorum, should
make him loath to draw out of his securely locked coffers the
gold he had sought and guarded with such industry and care
to venture it on an uncertain undertaking like that which
Cabot was preparing for ? It must also be borne in mind
that he was in constant necessity of money for combatting
external and internal enemies who kept him in trouble more
or less during the whole of his long reign, and obliged him
to incur fresh expenses at the very time when this expedition
was fitting out.f^

Henry VII, hesitating between the avarice and necessity
which held him back, and the advantage which urged him
on, did as such characters usually do under such circumstances.
He made a show of acting, and urging others, turned the
merit of their movement in his favor, remaining in the mean-
while in the comfort of his own repose.

In this King's book of private expenses we read these
entries :

— " 22 March, 1498. To Landslot Thirkill of London, upon
a prest, for his shipp going towards the Ilande 20 1.

* Hume, History of England, ch. xxvi. f Hume lb.

THE PART TAKEN BY HEXRY VII. 93

— "Delivered to Launcelot Thirkill going towards the New
Isle in prest, 20 1.

— "1 April 1498. To Thomas Bradley and Lancelot Thirkill
going to the New Isle, 30 1.

— "To John Carter, going to the New Isle, in rewarde 2 11."*

From these entries it seems to me evident thtit the aid of
the King was reduced to helping by loans and encouraging
such as wished to take part in the expedition ; and the loans
correspond perfectly to the character of a miser, for they
return principal and interest.

In fact it was natural for the Spanish ambassador to say the
ships of the expedition were sent out by the King, for, no
matter who fitted them out, it was still his order that made
them sail. Now, to the two ships fitted out at Cabot's own ex-
pense, add three others fitted out by the merchants with the
aid of loans from the King's private purse, and we have
the precise number of five as given in the Spanish dispatch.
I believe this was the actual number of ships that sailed:
which is practically the number fixed by the letters patent of
February 3, 1498, as many reasons, all very likely, may be
found to account for the failure of one of the ships. But why
did Cabot mention to Peter Martyr and Ramusio only the
two vessels fitted out at his own expense ?

It is impossible to give a clear answer. It may be useful to re-
member that Cabot had been very little pleased with England
and the support for his discoveries that he found there. Is
it not possible that some feeling of irritation made him less
just, so that, giving all the honor of the discovery to his own
ships, he left to be regarded as mere accessories the three ships
of the merchants, doubtless laden with articles and specimens
of trade ?

The expedition sailed in the beginning of summer. f 300
persons went with it. ± It had two purposes ; to colonize the

* v. App. x.

f '*. . . il Re mi arm6 due Caravelle rii huto cioche era di bisogno e f u . . . . nel
principio della state etcomiuciai a navignre verso maestro " App. xix.

% Primo tendensctm hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem. Pietro Marti re
d'Anghiera. —App. xviii. — Llevo trezientos liombres Gomara, App. xxi.

94 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

lands discovered on the previous voyage, the other, to proceed
further till they reached the land of spices, and open com-
mercial relations with it.

Peter Martyr does not give the year in which the expedi-
tion of Sebastian Cabot, of which he speaks, took place : but as
he distinctly informs us that he was writing of it in 1515, and
the whole Decade in which it is mentioned was printed the
same year, it is certain that his account cannot refer to the
voyage to the same places undertaken by Sebastian Cabot in
1516. * Neither does Gomara tell us the year, but as his nar-
rative is drawn so faithfully after Peter Martyr's that it may
be called a translation of it, he must of necessity follow him,
and if Anghiera takes us to 1498, Gomara must refer to the
same year.

The matters related by Peter Martyr and Gomara meet
the account given by Ramusio, but all is thrown into confusion
by the date he gives of the voyage as in the year 1496. This
is the third time that we have had to complain of Ramusio
as a stumbling-block between our feet involving us in serious
difficulties; on the two previous occasions we put off the ques-
tion, but now it is time for us to stop and inquire into it.

Ramusio relates that going with a friend to visit the cele-
brated Fracas'toro at his villa of Caphi, he found him in the
company of "a gentleman who was a great philosopher and
mathematician,whose name out of respect is not given," This phil-
osopher, as the conversation turned upon the "plan of going
to find the Indies by way of the north-west wind" made on
this subject "a long and admirable discourse and amongst other
things related a visit of his to Sebastian Cabot in Spain,
and the accounts the latter had given him of his voyages and
discoveries. Ramusio, who was then composing his great Collcc-

* Peter Martyr after telling of Cabot's expedition for the benefit of England,
writes that he is about to commence another for the benefit of Spain and indi-
cates the time by these words : "Martio mense anni futvri MDXVI pnto ad
explorandum discessurum." Even without them, there coiO.d be no doubt, for
the Decade was printed in 1516, that is to say, during the expedition that Se-
bastian Cabot made that year to the western sea, before it was possible to have
any information of its incidents or results. See the Bibliotheca Americana Vetus-
tissima of H. Harrisse, p. 153.

95

Hon of Voyages and Navigations, inserted in it this discourse of
the gentleman, putting it in the person of Cabot himself as the
Anonymous had done.*

We are not told in what year Anonymous met Sebastian.
Avezac supposes it was in 1544 or 1545 ;+ but as it is neces-
sary to put Ramusio's visit to the Villa of Caphi in 1547 or
1548 (as Avezac admits), it does not seem to me that at the
distance of only three or four years Anonymous could have
said "finding myself miny years ago in the city of Seville." I
therefore think the conversation with Sebastian must have oc-
curred some years earlier.

The story of Anonymous begins with John Cabot's depart-
ure from Venice and his settling at Bristol, thence running, or
rather flying, he hints at what Sebastian Cabot had done for
England, his arrival in Spain, the fresh glory acquired and
the high office he held there; that is, in a little over a page, it
includes a period of time extending from 1477 till beyond 1533,
or a space of at least about sixty years, but probably more. This
flight over such space of time could naturally allow him
to make nothing more than a slight mention of events, but,
however slight, the mention is most valuable to us in our
great dearth of information concerning Cabot. That his testi-
mony is correct and to be relied on is proved by the compari-
son we are able to make of his testimony on some points
with that of others, and which shows them fully to agree.
But when he descends to any details, especially of date, he has

* Toinaso Giunti, who republished Ramusio's work in 1613, places after this
Anonymous's name, I know not on what ground the addition of Mantuan. From
this Marco Foscarini supposed it was the Mantuan Giangiacomo Bartolo (Ms. No.
6142 of the Imperial Library at Vienna, cited by C. Bullo, La Vera Patria di
Giovanni Caboto p. xxviii). Foscarini's opinion has probably no other ground
than that in Fracastoro's Dialogue Navagcrius site de Poetica, dedicated to
Ramusio, one of the persons introduced in the dialogue is Joannes Jacobus Bar-
dulo Mautuanus civis. Harrisse, p. 339. We have already seen, in Chapter
VII, that Richard Eden durst assert that he was Galeazzo Bottrigari, Papal
Nuncio to Spain, who died as early as 1518.

t Revue Critique d' Histoire et Litterature. Premier semestre, 1870, p. 265. The
approximate time of the visit to theVilla of Caphi is taken from these words
of Anonymous in speaking of the Portuguese : " this last battle of theirs with
the King of Cambay." As it was fought in 1546, the expression this could not
have been applied to it later than 1547, or at most 1548. .

96 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

made the greatest confusion possible. We have already seen
that he makes John Cabot die about the time that Christopher
Columbus returned from his discovery, that is, in 1493,
whereas he was still alive in 1498. We shall soon find him
placing the departure of his son Sebastian for Spain, to enter
the service of the Catholic Kings, immediately after his return
from the voyage of 1498 ; whereas it is proved that he did not
go to Spain before the death of Henry VII, that is, not before
1509 ;* or rather as we shall see, he did not in fact go there
till 1512. He further says that he went to Spain to serve the
Catholic King and Queen Isabella ; when that great woman
had been dead since 1504. f

Such confounding of dates is a most serious fault in an his-
torian, but in this particular case of Sebastian Cabot's voyage,
if we consider the matter carefully, Ramusio's fault is a very
slight one, and most probably none at all. For, in the first
place, we must remember that neither he nor Anonymous
whose discourse he is reporting, ever had any intention of re-
lating a sketch of Sebastian Cabot's life, so that it would be nec-
essary to fit its parts in with due division of time and years ;
neither had any other view than that of relating the voyage
of discovery which Sebastian Cabot had made to the northern
parts of America. The whole story is, therefore, directed
to this purpose, and what there is over and above and not
strictly relating thereto, serves only to tell us how Sebastian
came to be in England to make the voyage, and why he did
not continue the work begun. In the second place, we must
remember that when Anonymous related his story in Fracas-
toro's Villa many years had elapsed since his conversation
with Sebastian Cabot in Spain.J Now that after so long a

* "Familiarem habeo domi Caborum, Vocatus namque ex Britannia a rege
uostro Catuulieo post Hen rid maioris Britanniae regis mortem . . . ."
P. Martyris de Angheria. De rebus Oceanicis. Dec. iii. lib. vi. Henry VII
died in 1509.

f "My father died at, the time that news enme that Serior Don Christopher
Columbus the Genoese, had discovered the shore of the Indies.. . .1 resolved to
go brick to England. . . .whereon arriving I found very trreat commotions. . . .
on account of which I came to Spain to the Catholic King and to Queen Isa-
bella, who received me and gave me a good appointment." App. xix.

\ "And being in the city of Seville some years ago." App. xix.

RAMUSIO's ANONYMOUS. 97

time a man of sense, as he was, should repeat a story with
substantial correctness is very possible where the matter
treated of is one that greatly interests him ; but it would be
a marvel if he carried the same correctness into the details,
especially if these details are not essential to the substance
of the story. Add to this, that Sebastian Cabot's story, to
reach us, has not only had to pass through the memory of
Anonymous, but also through Ramusio's. May it not have
lost something in this last passage ? Ramusio himself answers
by the following declaration which he makes before begin-
ning the story of Anonymous.

" I do not pretend, " he says, " to write his discourse with
as full details as I heard it, for that would require other skill
and memory than I possess ; still I will try to give a sum-
mary or, as it icere, the heads of what / can remember."* If this
does not suffice, hear what he says just afterwards, still
speaking of the discourse of Anonymous : "With regard to
the Mediterranean Sea, I seem to remember that he touched
upon I know not what voyage that might be made on it
with great profit, but to what place has entirely escaped my
memory.'' 'f Now, if Ramusio entirely forgot all about a
voyage of very great profit that could be made right here at
home, on the Mediterranean, is it to be wondered at that
his memory should slip on a detail concerning a voyage
made more than half a century before in seas entirely un-
known ?

To account for the mistake of the date as 1496, let us go
back to the visit which Anonymous made to Sebastian Cabot
at Seville.^: The great man receives his visitor with all cour-
tesy, and yielding to his request gives him a summary ac-

* App. xix.

f lb. "II quale ragionamento, egli dice, non mi basta 1' animo di potere
scrivere cosi particolarmente com' io lo udl, perche" vi saria di bisogno altro
ingegno, et altra memoria, che non e la mia, pur mi sforzero sommariamente e
come per capi di recital' quel che mi potrb ricordare. A propositi) del Mar
Mediterraneo mi par ricordare che toccasse anche di nou so che viaggio che si
pot.ria fare in quello di graudissimo proposito, ma a che parte emmi al tutto
to dalla memoria."

98 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

count of the voyages and discoveries he had made. As this
account included in the brief space of a conversation the
course of many years and events, he was obliged to mention
the most important things and pass lightly over the rest.

For us seeking to reconstruct the story of those events
from the few remaining fragments, it is of greatest importance
to fix dates ; but this importance did not exist for Cabot who
was narrating facts, not fixing dates, nor for Anonymous
who on his side had special reasons for wishing to know the
facts. The intention of both was to relate and listen to the
direction of voyages, obstacles met with, what was seen and
done ; and why the undertaking did not answer its purpose.
Of all this we find a rapid mention in the account of
Anonymous. There was one thing that had no interest for
Anonymous, though it had much for Sebastian, and he could
not have omitted it. Any one who has read autobiographies,
even those of great men, must have observed how they dwell
on all the details of their first steps in the career of their great-
ness, and the difficulties they met and overcame, whilst they
are concise enough, and often sparing, to the reader's regret,
with the facts of the greatest and most general importance.
For we all judge the importance of things by their impression
on us rather than their intrinsic value. This is so general
that it has no need of examples to prove it. Now, in the
first days of his career as navigator and discoverer, what must
have made a deep impression on Sebastian Cabot's mind, so
that it would be in his thoughts and he would be sure to speak
of it to any one asking for the story of those first years of his
life ? It must have been the patent by which King Henry
VII authorized his father and brothers and himself to sail on
new discoveries. Who can say how John Cabot had strug-
gled to procure that longed-for patent ? How many stairs
he Avent up, what repulses he endured, how often, when he
believed he had succeeded, he had to begin anew ? To Se-
bastian, whose youth and taste inclined him strongly to the
sea, this continued alternating between hope and discourage-
ment must have been much more painful than to his father ;
and in proportion to the anxiety of deferred hope must have

99

been the pleasure of receiving the patent. That day opened
clear and sure to him the road of discovery, and it was im-
possible for its date ever to be erased from his memory. He
could not have failed to mention that starting-point to one
questioning him concerning his glorious career. It seems to
me most natural (and therefore true) that he commenced the
account of his discoveries from the year in which the royal
patent authorized them, that is, from 1496. His auditor
was not thinking of that, but of the voyage, and when he
hoard this given as the starting-point, he took it for the start-
ing-point of his voyage instead of that of his career.

Or it may be supposed with no less probability that Anony-
mous caught the true sense of Sebastian Cabot's words and so
repeated them, and Ramusio confounded the two events. Ra-
musio himself leads me to suppose this, for in his first edition
he precedes the date of 1496 with the words, saving the truth.
"The King .... fitted me up two caravels with every thing
needed, and this was, saving the truth, in 1496."* So that
Ramusio himself was in doubt whether he was correctly report-
ing or had rightly understood the words of Anonymous. In sub-
sequent editions, for what reason I know not, this eloquent
little parenthesis is ommitted. The date, then, of 1496/ given
by Ramusio can create no difficulty ; and as in his account he
agrees with the narrative of Peter Martyr d' Anghiera, it
must be certain that they are both speaking of the same voy-
age, and as that mentioned by Peter Martyr refers to 1498,
we must place Ramusio's in the same year.

Having thus cleared our path of the first obstacle that con-
fronted us, let us see what we can put together from the dif-
ferent accounts. We know from Ayala's dispatch that the fleet
had hardly got to sea when it was struck by a violent storm,
and one of the ships was so damaged that it went back for
safety to the coast of Ireland. There was a Friar Buil on this
vessel ; most likely a religious sent out for service among the
colonies whom it was intended to leave in the lands newly dis-

* "II Re . . .mi armo due caiavelle di tutto cio che eradi bisogno et fu, salvo
ilvero, nel 1496." P. 402. -The first edition was published in Venice by thp
heirs of Lucantonio Giunti, in the year MDL.

100 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

covered.* Ramusio says in general terms that the fleet on leav-
ing England took a course to the north-west. f Gomara more
definitely, that it sailed towards Iceland.^ Between this island
and Bristol there was some commerce in relation to fish ; and
Biddle thinks that Cabot very prudently regarded it as a place
where he could give his men a resting-place on the long voy-
age on which he was taking them, and avoid the fatigue which
its excessive length might produce on the sailors in the
watery solitude.g

Why, instead of sailing due west, did they take a course so
far to the north ? It is necessary to pause a little to answer
this question, in order that our story may proceed with clear-
ness and without obstacles. The Cabots had believed they
had arrived at the continent of Asia on their previous dis-
covery. But later, whether the effect of information coming
from Spain concerning the discoveries of Christopher Co-
lumbus, which told only of new islands, or a more mature and
calm study of the stories of Marco Polo, the only authority
that could be had on the extreme eastern regions of Asia,
who related that in front of those countries there was a long
stretch of islands in the sea, or whatever else it may have been
(for it is not possible for us to know all these particulars, and
it would not help us if it were); the fact is and of this there is
no question, that a change had been effected in Cabot's mind
in regard to the real character of the places he had discovered,
and in accordance with this change were his new aspirations
and the new purposes of his third expedition.

Admitting, then, that the land explored on the previous
voyage was an island, it naturally followed that the conti-

* App. xvi.— It is strange that the friar who went with Christopher Co-
lumbus to evangelize the New World was also named Buil. Harrisse asks:
" Might he not be the same ?" p. 102. If so, it must have been shame or remorse
that induced him to return to the New World, there to wash away the dark
stain contracted there by his infamous conduct towards Christopher Columbus.
See Tarducci's Life of Christopher Columbus. Bwok 1. ch. 31.

t App. xix.

X Prometio . . . de ir por el norte al Cataio . . . y camino la buelta de Islan-
dia — App. xxi.

£ Memoir, p. 23,

THE COURSE TAKEN IN 1498. ' ' 101*

nent must be beyond; for no one had as yet suspected that the
lands which were discovered belonged to a new continent, it
was still the universal conviction that beyond the Atlantic
must be the continent of Asia . The aim of the present voy-
age was therefore limited to finding among these islands a
channel giving passage to the mainland. On the previous
voyage they had explored a long tract of the coast of Lab-
rador without finding its end. On this, to avoid the ne-
cessity of repeating the tiresome sailing along the part of Lab-
rador which they had seen the year before, from the time of
leaving they go up well to the north-west, and then change
to due west, sure of finding an open sea north of the land a-
long which they had coasted the previous years, or that at
least they should not have far to sail before they came to the
end of the coast. On reaching the mainland beyond the isl-
ands, it was their intention to sail south until they came op-
posite to the island of Cipango, which they imagined to be the
centre of the wealth and treasures of the East. "Master John,"
writes Soncino, "has set his mind on higher things, because
he thinks that after reaching that place he can sail always
close to the shore, further towards the east, till he is opposite
to an island which he calls Cipango, situated in the equatorial
region, and where all the spices and jewels of the world come
from."* And Ramusio more distinctly yet, "Cabot expected
to find no land till he came to that where Cathay is, and then
from there to turn towards the Indies ; but after a few days
he found that it trended to the north, at which sight he was
infinitely disappointed ; he returned along the coast to see if
he could find a gulf to change the direction, but came to
none till he reached fifty-six degrees under our pole, where
seeing that the coast turned eastwards, he went back in de-
spair to explore the same coast on the side towards the south,
still with the hope of fiuding a passage to the Indies, "f

* <<

'Messer Zoanne ha postal* ammo ad maggior cosa perche pensa, da quello
loco occupato andarsene sempre a Riva Rivapiu verso al Levante, tanto chel
sia al opposito de una isola, da lui chiamata Cipango, posta in la reeione
equinoctiale dove crede che nascano tutte le speciarie del mundo et anche le
gioie." App. xiii.
f "Caboto si pensa va di non trovar terra, se non quella dove e il Cataio, e di

102 TilE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Peter Martyr says nothing of the height of latitude reached
on the voyage, but tells us, "that they went so far north that in
the month of July they found immense masses of ice floating in
the sea, and the day was almost continual."* Gomara gives the
same details as Peter Martyr with the addition of the degree
reached which, instead of being the fifty-sixth as Ramusio has
it, he says was the fifty-eighth, f

So we are again in difficulty and must work our way through
contradictory accounts. The reader has probably observed
that in Ramusio's account there is one point where he runs
against a truth of fact. The fifty-sixth degree, which he gives
as the final point to which Cabot sailed, takes us right on the
coast of Labrador, which instead of trending east, trends to the
north-west, just in the direction that Cabot had supposed. On
the other hand, the circumstances mentioned by Peter Martyr,
of the masses of floating ice, and the almost continual day
are absolutely irreconcilable with the latitude as given by Ra-
musio; for although it may not be impossible to see some stray
icebergs in the sea that bathes the coast of Labrador, they are
never numerous enough to make navigation difficult or dan-
gerous, certainly not in July, as happened to Cabot. Nor is
the night in that latitude so short as to warrant the
expression that the day was almost continual. The same
difficulty with a slight difference is found with Gomara's
fifty-eighth degree. The skein seemed so tangled as to leave
no hope of being able to undo it ; but an acute remark of
Zurla's has put its head in our hands ; and as his suggestion

la poi vol tare verso le Indie, ma in capo di alquanti giorni la discoperse che
correva verso tramontana, la qual vista gli fu di infinito dispiacere ; e pure
andando dietro la costa per vedere se poteva trovare qualche golfo che voltasse
non vi fu mai ordine, finche andato sino a gradi cinquanta sei sotto il nostro
polo, vedendo che quivi la costa voltava verso levante, disperato di trovarlo
se ne torno a dietro a riconoscere ancora la detta costa dalla parte verso Y
equinoziale sempre con intenzione di trovar passaggio alle Indie." App. xix.

* ". . . primo tendens ad septenirionem donee etiam Julio mense vastas

repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes et lucem fere perpetuam..." App.xviii.

+ " . ..hasta se poner en cinquanta y ocho grados. Aunque el dize mucho mas
contando como avia por el mes de Julio tanto f rio y pedacos de zelo que no oso
passar mas adelante, y que los dias eran grandissimos y quasi sin noche y las
noches muy claras." App. xxi.

THE LATITUDE REACHED. 103

agrees perfectly with the places and fact to which he refers, it
seems to me reasonable to accept and follow it.* He observed
that to have such length of daylight as to make the day appear
almost uninterrupted it is necessary to go at least ten degrees
higher than Ramusio puts it, and reach 66°. There, in fact, enor-
mous masses of ice may be met with even in the middle of July.
These circumstances should suffice to convince us that there is
an error in the number 56 given by Ramusio, and that it should
be 66. But in addition to the circumstances mentioned by Zurla,
there is a third which completes the agreement throughout.
This last I think should be examined at some length to remove
all question as to Zurla's supposition. Gomara has told us
that on leaving Bristol the expedition sailed towards Iceland.
If we cast our eyes over the map, and from the southern
point of Iceland along which Cabot sailed with his fleet we
follow his course to the west till we come to land, after a
few days, as Ramusio says, we find it, and it is Greenland in
the same latitude as we found Iceland, for its lowest latitude
63° 20', and Cape Farewell the extreme southern limit of
Greenland extends to 59° 43', and the short distance between
them agrees perfectly with Ramusio's expression, "after a few
days." Cabot, who expected to find no land till he came to that where
Cathay is, is infinitely disappointed at this sight. The coast of
Greenland where we have arrived coming direct from Iceland
trends to the north, precisely as Ramusio expresses it ; and Cabot
returns along the coast to see if he can find a gulf to change the direc-
tion. But after a long stretch of land the coast of Greenland turns
to the north-east : wherefore Cabot, according to Ramusio, see-
ing that the coast turned eastivards, in despair of finding a gulf, turns
back. Here every thing fits into Ramusio's account ; the only
variance is as to the point where the land turns to the east ; for
Ramusio says it is at 56°, while Greenland shows it to be at 66°,
just where great masses of ice float in the sea, and the day is almost
continuous, as D' Anghiera says.

* Placido Zurla, Di Marco Polo e degli altriViaggiatoriVeneziani piu illustri,
vol. ii, p. 278. Venezia; Fuchs, 1818. True, Zurla confounds the present voy-
age with that made in 1516, but that takes nothing from the acuteuess of his
view in resard to this particular.

104 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

After this, can we hesitate to correct the 56° of Ramusio
by substituting 66° as proposed by Zurla ?

With these matters cleared up, the course ana plan of Se-
bastian Cabot seem to me to become plain enough.

The historian cannot, like the romancer, give free flight to
his fancy, but, if he could, what things he would have to
think and to say of that "infinite disappointment," and
that "despair" with which Cabot in the narrative of Anony-
mous pictures his state of mind when he saw the land betray
his forecast and hope, and he was compelled to decide on
going back ! Those masses of ice and that almost perpet-
ual day can make no great impression on us, accustomed as
we are to so many tales of navigation in the polar seas,
and tolerably acquainted with the lay of the land and the
character of the country ; but facing Cabot and his compan-
ions there was the dread of the unknown. How far would that
land extend ? and where would it end ? Would it leave some
passage open ? or would it continue without a break till
it joined on to Norway shutting in the whole sea ? This ap-
prehension of a continuous extension of American territory
till it united with the northern regions of Europe may seem
strange to us with oui knowledge of the geography, but
it was most natural it should present itself to Sebastian
Cabot's mind. So true is this, that the XVI century was half
over and the question whether North America joined Norway
or left open a passage by sea, was still vexing the minds
of geographical historians. "Why," wrote Ramusio in 1550,
"have the Princes not been able to make discoveries to the North
where the land of Labrador is, and ascertain whether it joins
Norway, or there is water there ?"* Another thought, not less
harrowing, presented itself to Cabot's mind. For, even if there
should be an open sea there, if these enormous masses of
floating ice rendered navigation difficult and dangerous in
the middle of July, what would it be when the season

* "Perche non potevan gli Principi. . . .far. . . .discoprir verso tramontana
dove e la terra del Lavoratore, et veder se ella si congiunge con la Norvegia,
over se vi & mare .... V'Raccolta, vol. i, p. 414. B.

HIS DISAPPOINTMENT. 105

was more advanced and they sailing further north ? "Seeing
that the coast turned eastwards, in despair of finding any gulf
to change the direction he went back to explore the same
coast on the side towards the south, still with the hope of
finding a passage to the Indies ; and he went as far as what
at present they call Florida."*

Another difficulty meets us here. If Sebastian Cabot came
to the coast of Greenland and from there sailed down as far
as Florida, looking for an opening, how did he happen not to
enter the broad gulf which opens between Greenland and Lab-
rador ? The most natural answer to this question seems to me,
that he supposed the new land seen on this voyage was the
continuation of what he had seen the year before and sailed
along its coast for 300 leagues ; and that so supposing, he did
not sail close to the shore from the point he had reached
in Greenland, but to save time, he took the course, with his
ships, straight for Labrador, and so did not observe the broad
gulf which he left on his right. However, with such dearth of
information we cannot pretend to reconstruct the whole course
of his navigations : it is much if we succeed in fixing a point
here and there. Peter Martyr D'Anghiera to indicate the place
where Cabot stopped his exploration, uses these words : ''He
proceeded so far south as to reach nearly the latitude of the
Strait of Gibraltar, and so far west as to leave Cuba on his left
and nearly in the same meridian. "f

The precise indication given by Petei Martyr of the lat-
itude as the same as that of the Strait of Gibraltar, leaves no
doubt that the most southern point reached by Cabot must be
placed along the shore of Chesapeake Bay. If Ramusio's
Anonymous mentions Florida as the extreme point, it is be-

* " Vedendo dunque che la costa voltava verso levante, disperato di trovare
un qualche golfo che voltasse, se ne tornd a dietro a riconoscere ancorala detta
costa dalla parte verso 1' equinoziale sempre con intenzione di trovar passaggio
alle Indie ; e venne sino a quella che chiamauo al presente Florida." Ramusio.
See App. xix.

f'Tetenditque tantum ad meridiem, littore sese incurvante, ut Hcrculei fretus
latitudinis fere gradus aequarit : ad occidentemque profectus tantum est, Cu-
bam insulam a leva longitudine graduum pene parem habuerit."— App. N.
xviii.

106 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

cause nothing was at that time known of the extent of that pen-
insula to the Northwards, and it was very easy to make a mis-
take and include under that name not only the peninsula
proper, but also the coast region of Georgia and the Oarolinas.*
Arriving at the Chesapeake he was obliged to return to Eng-
land for want of provisions.! Did the colonization, which
we said was one of the purposes of the expedition, take place ?
That besides the discovery of new lands colonization was also
intended, is clearly stated in the documents. In the first
place, the number of three hundred persons embarked on the
ships is too great for a mere expedition of discovery, and can
only be explained on the idea of a colonization : and the
words of Pasqualigo in his letter, "These English follow him
like fools, but let as many as he can get, and even some of our
knaves too, go with him/'J can have no other meaning than
this, of a colonization. The same sense must be given to the
words of the second patent giving permission to leave to "all
suche maisters, maryners, pages, and our subjects as of their
owen free wille woll goo and passe with hym in the same
shippes to the seid Lande or Iles."§

Still more definite is Gomara's account which says : "He
promised King Henry to go to Cathay by the north, and
bring spices from there in less time than the Portuguese by
the south. He went also for the purpose of ascertaining
what sort of lands the Indies would be for peopling : he took with
him three hundred men."||

Finally, Soncino in so many words says that it was intended
to found a colony. "It is reported that the said majesty will
soon fit out some ships and moreover will give them all the
criminals, and they will go to found a colony in that country,

* L. Hughes, 1. c. p. 257.

f "Et mancandomi gi& la vettovaglia, presi partito di ritornarmene in Inghil-
terra."— Ramusio, App. xix.

X " Sti Ioglesi li vano driedi a modo pazi e pur ne volese tanti quanti n'avrebbe
con lui, et etiam molti dei nostri furfanti." See App. xi.

§ App. xiv.

I "I prometio al rey Enrique de yr por el norte al Cataio y traer de alia especias
en menos tiempo que Portugueses, por el sur. Y va tambien por saber que
herraeran las Indias para poblar. Llevo trezientos fa ombres." See App xxi

INTENDED COLONIZATION. 107

by which means they hope to do a larger business in spices
at London than is done at Alexandria." * There was then
undoubtedly an intention of colonizing the new lands. What
came of it we know not. It is supposed that an attempt at
colonization was made in the land of Labrador, and Gomara
seems to give good grounds for this supposition when he says
that Cabot made a stop at the land of the Bacallaos.f It would
also seem to be confirmed by what the Venetian ambassador
to Portugal, Piefcro Pasqualigo wrote on October 19, 1501, to
his brothers, on the return of Gaspar Cortereal's expedition,
only eleven days after it entered the Portuguese harbors: "They
have brought here VII, between men and women and boys....
in their land they have no iron ; but they make knives out of
some stones ; and likewise heads of arrows. And they have
also brought from there a piece of a broken gilt sword which cer-
tainly appears to have been made in Italy : one of the boys had
in his ears two silver rings which seem without doubt to havo
been made at Venice"* True, Pasqualigo refers in his
letter to another voyage made by Cortereal the year before, §■
and so the articles from Europe found in the possession of
those savages might have come from his own ships on
the previous expedition ; but as Cortereal in 1501 went
further north than the land he discovered the year before,
and consequently nearer to the English discoveries, and all
those articles were of Venetian, and not Portuguese manufact-

*"A tempo novo se dice che la Maesta prefata armara alcuni navilij,et ulira
li dar& tutti li malfattori et andarano in quello paese a fare una colon ia, medi-
ante la quale sperano de fare in Londres maggior fondaco de speciarie che sia
in Alexandria." App. xiii.

f "Rehaziendose en los Baccalaos. App. xxi.

% "Hanno conducti qui vii, tra homini et feraene et putti dequelli. . . .nella
terra loro non hanno ferro ; ma fanno cortelli de alcune pietre ; et similmente
ponte de f reze. Et quilli anchora hanno porta de la uno pezo de spada rotta do-
rata laqual certo par facta in Italia: uno putto de questi haveva ale orechia dui
iodini de arzento, che senza dubbio pareno stafacti a Venetia." This letter is
printed in a book, now very rare, published at Vicenza in 1507, under the title,
"Paesi novamente retrovati et novo mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino
intitulato."

§"Credono che sia terra ferma la qual continua in un' altra terra che lanopas*
sato, fo discoperta sotto la tramontasa." lb.

108 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

ure, it would seem more natural to suppose they came from
the ships of Cabot, who, as a Venetian and sailing from a city
where there was a most flourishing colony of Venetian mer-
chants, would obviously have carried many articles imported
from his own city and by his own countrymen.

The asperity of the climate probably rendered the attempt
abortive. But the climate was not likely to be the main con-
sideration : many more persons than had been counted on
having remained on board of the vessels probably caused a
diminution of provisions, which prevented Cabot from further
exploring the southern coast, for the ships being furnished
with a year's supply it is hard to understand how they
should have run short in three or four months.*

And here, since we have got back to speaking of Labrador a-
gain, I will give somewhat in detail the only record which re-
mains of this voyage : and perhaps the reader will not be sorry
to take a little breath after the tiresome journey he has been
making amongst notes and discussions. Moreover the brief epi-
sode I shall relate belongs partly to the domain of history, for it
was the origin of the name Tierra de Bachallaos being then
given to what was afterwards, as it is now, called Labrador. f
Peter Martyr has preserved it for us, and it relates to
bears' fishing.

He relates, then, that the place was wonderfully full of

* " El Rey. . . .embio cinco naos .... fueron proveydos por un ano."

Puebia, App. xv. — "fueron avitallados pour un ano." Ayala,

App. xvi.

Andre Thevet says positively that Sebastitin Cabot landed full three hun-
dred men, but they nearly all died of the cold, although it was in the month
of July."Vray est, qu'il mist bien troiscens hommes en terre du coste d'Irlande
au nort ou It: froid fist mourir presque toute sa compagnie encore que ce fust
au moys de juillet". ( App. xxiv). But his testimony is too open to sus-
picion, for he gets his information concerning Cabot at second hand, and it is
certainly not for his care in collecting it that ho merits praise. We have an
immediate proof of this in the very surname of Cabot which he shamefully
distorts by calling him Babate. And here, without doubt, in speaking of the
attempted colonization he commits the mistake of taking for colonists the
whol^ three hundred who sailed in tho ships of the expedition.

t Biddle, on page 246, says that the name of Labrador (Laborer) was in-
vented by Cortereal and the Portuguese slavo-merchants to indicate that this
Northera coast produced men wonderfully fitted for labor.

FAILURE OF THE COLONY. 109

bears that were harmless to men, and the)7 always saw a num-
ber of them seated on the shore awaiting game. The sea in
front swarmed with big fishes so closely packed together that
at times it was difficult for vessels to force a way through them,*
and in gliding hither and thither in their play they some-
times got into shallow water near the beach. Then the
bears, which had lain in wait on the bank with an eye always
fixed on the surface of the water, sprang into the sea. Their
sudden appearance and the splash in the water, with their
furious bounding to one side and the other, put the happy
shoal of fishes in great trouble and disorder. In their confu-
sion and anxiety to get into deep water, they swam against
and interfered with each other, and hindered their escape, so
that the bears were able to pounce upon them and fix their
strong claws between their scales. Then followed the strangest
and most beautiful contest. The fish made every effort to
free himself from the clutch that held him fast, and struggling,
turning, sliding in every direction, raised around him a cloud
of spray, within which in transparent coloring was seen the
enormous beast of a bear pulled this way and that, now under
and now above the water, but always hanging on to his prey
till the fish, his strength exhausted, and overcome with pain,,
gave up entirely and the bear's victory was complete. Then he
drew the fish to the bank, where extended at full ease on the
sand, he made a most savory repast. Our navigators were pres-
ent at one of these contests and enjoyed it greatly, and while it
lasted their laughter and shouts from the ships made accom-
paniment to the various turnings of the battle, and hailed
the final triumph.

The indigenes, questioned by signs, made known that they
called these fishes Baccalao, and from this word Cabot named
the land in front of him the Land of the Baccalaos (Codfish )."f

* "Ut etiam ill! navigia interdum detirdarent." Peter Martyr, dec. iii, lib. vi.

f "Bacaliaos Cabottus ipse terras illas appellavit, e<> quod in eorum pdago tan-
tain repererit magnorum quorumdam piscium, tinnos aemulantium sic vocatorum
ab indigenis, multitudinem, ut etiam illi navigia interdum retardarent." Pietro
Martire, ib.

110 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT

CHAPTER IX

A Period of Obscurity-

The news of the bad result of the enterprise must have
been most unpleasant for the English, and their dejection
upon its return equal to the enthusiasm on its departure the
year before. It was like passing suddenly from the bright-
ness of the noonday sun to midnight darkness. What a load
of criticism, ridicule, and invective must have been heaped
on the young Sebastian, who had succeeded his father in the
command of the expedition ! For, without doubt, those who
had promoted and aided the expedition threw the blame of
its want of success on the too great want of age and ex-
perience on the part of its leader. There must have been great
lament for the loss of John, whose bravery and experience
would in their opinion have secured a happy issue of the
undertaking. From this general feeling the poor young
man's reputation must have received a blow that caused him
to disappear wholly from view, and fourteen years passed be-
fore he reappears openly shining in the light of day.

In the discourse of Sebastian Cabot reported by Ramusio's
Anonymous, he says that upon returning to England, he
found great commotions of the people aroused and war, and
that there was no further thought of navigating the northern
seas, and therefore he left that country to seek better fortune
elsewhere.* In those words he, no doubt, alludes to the vari-
ous attempts of the pretended Duke of York to wrest from
Henry VII the sceptre lost by the House whose name he had
assumed; to the support which James IV of Scotland gavejiis

". . . .presi partito di ritornarmene in Inghilterra, dove giunto trovai
grandissimi tumulti di popoli sollevati et della guerra in Scotia . . ." App. xix.

1498 to 1512. HI

pretensions in open war; and to the repeated rising of the
people in Cornwall, driven to despair by the excessive burdens
imposed on them and the cruelty of those who were employed
to collect the payments.* But it was not on his return that
all these events disturbed England, nor were they all at once ;
they did not last long, and victory always smiled without
much difficulty on Henry's arms. Fourteen years passed be-
tween his return from the voyage and his going to Spain, so
that these disturbances could not be called the direct cause of
his leaving England. Neither is it strictly true that there
was no further thought of navigation in search of new lands
and seas ; for some, even though few, undertakings of this
nature are recorded. In Sebastian's words, then, rather than
the expression of his precise motive, we have the sad echo of
what in that long interval passed in his mind, when the idea
of discovery was greatly exciting his thoughts, and he beheld
the possibility of carrying out his plans continually put off by
the disorders that disturbed Henry's reign.

But during that long period of fourteen years, did he re-
main a calm spectator of events, waiting patiently for times
more favorable to his ideas ? Even if we were told so, we
could not believe it. A man who in early youth had given
such vigorous proofs of activity, and whom again in mature
life, and on to extreme old age, we find most extraordinarily
active, it is not possible that in the most vigorous period of
life, when even the least inclined to work feel at times the
desire and necessity of moving, acting, stirring at some
thing, should remain calmly idle ; it is contrary to nature.
But what did he do ?

Biddle, at this place, cites a book of historical and topograph-
ical notices of the City of Bristol, which, under the year
1499, quotes from an old almanac of that city, the following
passage : "This yeare, Sebastian Cabot borne in Bristol, prof-
fered his service to King Henry for discovering new contries ;
which had noe greate or favorable entertainment of the King, but
he with no extraordinary preparation set fort from Bristol, and

* Hume's History of England, ch. xxv and xxvi.

112 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

made greate discoveries. "*It is superfluous to remark how little
reliance can be placed on the testimony of almanacs; nor does
the ingenious American attach any importance to it, in an
absolute way, especially as the chronicler shows clearly by the
last words that he refers to one of Cabot's other voyages ; yet
all erroneous as it is, Biddle thinks he can obtain from it a
gleam of light amid the obscurity of those years. Cabot had
broken off his exploration of the American coast for want of
provisions; and he must naturally have wished to resume it at
the point wdiere he had left off, until he found the wished-for
strait. It would therefore seem very likely that he was apply-
ing to the King, proposing new plans for resuming the under-
taking, and that the King did not look favorably on his pro-
posals : very likely that Cabot was treating not only with
the crown, but with private individuals to form a company
for a new attempt, but found the door shut on this side also;
that then urged by the interior force that led him to resume
the sea, he got together a small expedition from his own
means, and in some sort of a vessel which he was able to fit out,
rushed again into adventures on the unknown path ; which
would very well agree with what the almanac says : "with no
extraordinary preparation set forth from Bristol."

This supposition corresponds very well with what Navarrete
relates of Ojeda : "It is certain that on his first voyage he found
some Englishmen in the vicinity of Coquibacoa. "f Ojeda
sailed from Spain May 25, 1499, and was absent only one
year4 Therefore the dates of Cabot's departure from Bristol
and Ojeda's from Spain would very well permit the meeting
mentioned of the English and Spaniards. If Navarrete's in-
formation is correct, there is every probability that these Eng-
lish were led by Sebastian Cabot as the only man in England
at that time who was capable of conducting such expedition :

* From Seyer "Memoirs historical and Topographical of Bristol and its
Neighbourhood," p 258. Biuule, Memoirs, Bk. i, p. 91, 92.

f " Lo cierto es que Hojeda en su primer viage hallo a ciertos Iugleses por
las inmediacioues de Coquibacoa." Navarrete, iii, p. 41. Coquibacoa is on
the Gulf of Maracaibo, on the northern coast of Venezuela.

X Navarrete, ib.

OTHER ENGLISH VOYAGES. 113

this is so true that when two years later a new expedition was
planned the Portuguese were called on to direct it.

These Portuguese were three, John and Francis Fernandes,
and John Gonsalvez, gentlemen from the Azores ; with them
were associated three merchants of Bristol, Richard Warde,
Thomas Ashurst, and John Thomas. Their patent, dated
March 19, 1501, is substantially the same as usually given
for such undertakings, and does not require to be particu-
larly considered. Only one thing in it is necessary to observe,
this is that the English monarch in granting to the three
Portuguese a monopoly of trade with the newly-discovered
countries, covertly, but with clear meaning, refers to the former
concessions made to John Cabot and his sons, to deprive
them of all force and authority contrary to the privileges now
granted to the three Portuguese and their associates. Not-
withstanding, says the decree, the pretensions any foreigner
or foreigners may set up under pretext or color of former
grants.*

Nothing is known, or is for our purpose important to know,
of the result of their enterprise. But one should be glad to
know the reason why Sebastian Cabot's name is not men-
tioned. Biddle attributes it to his being absent on the
American coast, again following up his explorations. f But if
Henry consented to the request of these Portuguese, why
should he not have listened to Cabot's ? It can only be be-
cause he asked for aid as well as authorization ; whereas the
three Portuguese declared they assumed all the risk of their un-
dertaking ; and not only assured to the Crown a portion of the
eventual profits of their discoveries, but agreed after ten years
to cede all rights they might have to them, and leave England
their absolute owner 4

* " Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris eos eorum aliquem de et super posses-
sion et titulo suis de et ex dictis terris firrais, insulis et provinciis se aliqualiter
contra voluntatem suam expellat quovis modo seu aliquis extraneus aut aliqui
extranet virtute aut colore alicuiiis concessionis nostrae sibi Magno Sigillo Nostro
per anteafactae." Rymer, Foedera, T. V. P. iv, p. 186.

t Biddle, 1. c. p. 76.

V* . • . . concessimus et licentiam dedimus .... Ricardo Warde, Tbomse

8

114 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

We find another grant signed by Henry VII on the 9th of
December. 1502, in favor of Hugh Elliot, Thomas Ashurst,
merchants, of Bristol; and John Gonsalvez and Francis Fer-
nandes, Portuguese ;* but we only make this mention of it
to prove that Sebastian Cabot's expression that "there was no
further thought of navigating the northern seas" was not cor-
rect. England had her eye always on the benefits to be pro-
cured from these discoveries ; but Henry's enormous avarice
prevented his taking a direct part in them, though he did not
refuse the work of others so long as they took all the risks,
and divided the profits.

Moreover, the connection between England and the new
lands was never broken off. A sure proof of this are the
notes of presents found from time to time in King Henry's
book of expenses, presents always worthy of his superlative
avarice, but showing nevertheless that he paid some attention
to the affairs of these new possessions. Thus we find on Jan-
uary 7, 1502, a note of the expense of five pounds to some
men from Bristol who went to these places ; September 30,

1503, thirty pounds to Bristol merchants who had been in
the same parts ; November 17, the same year, one pound to
one who had brought some hawks from there ; and April 8,

1504, two pounds to a priest going to the New Land ; and
September (?) 25, 1505, five pounds sterling to some Portu-
guese who had brought him cats and popinjays from there. f

Asshurst, et Johanni Thomas, mercatoribus villa? nostrse Bristollia? ac dilectis
nobis Johanni Ferdinandus, Francisco Fernaudus, et Johanni Gunsolus, ar-
migeris in iusulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Portugallife oriuudis . ...
uavigandi et se transferendi ad omnes partes sub banneris et insigniis nostris

ad custus et onera dicti Bicardi et aliorum pradictorum, vadiis et

stipendiis prout inter eos poterunt concordare ad inveniendum." Rymer, ib.

* Rymer, Foedera, L. xiii. p. 37.

t "1502. Jan. 7. To men of Bristoll that founde Thisle. . . .L. 5.

" 1503. Sept. 30. To the merchants of Bristoll that ave bene in the Newefounde
Launde, L. 20.

" 1503. Nov. 17. To one that brought hawkes from the Newfounded Island.
1L.

" 1504. April 8. To a preste that goeth to the new Ilande, L. 2.

" 1505. Sept. (?) 25. To portyngales that brought popyngais and catts of the
mountaigne with other Stuf to the Kinges grace, L, 5."

Spain's jealousy. 115

Every thing, then, confirms what we said, that Sebastian
Cabot's complaint is not so much the pure truth as the ex-
pression of his bitter disappointment at the reception his pro-
posals met with ; a disappointment all the greater that he
saw others, supplied with means that were wanting to him,
freely passing over the seas which he and his father had dis-
covered.

Under the year 1502, Stow quotes from Fabyan's chronicle
as follows: "(18 Henr. VII. A. D. 1502). Thys yeare, were
brought unto the Kyng three men taken in the new founde I-
lands by Sebastian Gaboto before named in anno 1468 (sic),
these men were clothed in Beastes skinnes, and eat raw flesh,
but spake such a language as no man could understand them,
of the which three men, two of them were seene in the King's
court at Westminster two years after, clothed, like Englishmen,
and could not be discerned from Englishemen."* Hakluyt also
speaks of these three savages and quotes Fabyan's chron-
icle, but does not agree with Stow as to the date. In the first
collection of 1582, instead of the 18th year of Henry VII, he
has the 17th. But here, as Hakluyt puts the date in Roman
numerals, the difference may have been the fault of the prin-
ter who may have carelessly put XVII for XVIII. But in
the second edition of the greater collection, 1599 — 1600, the
same fact is related under the 14th year of Henry's reign ; and
if Stow's account is correct, we have here another, and a very
strong proof that Sebastian Cabot resumed his discoveries af-
ter the expedition of 1498. If, on the other hand, Hakluyt's
correction in his second collection is right, the proof vanishes,
for their coming would coincide exactly with the return of
the expedition of 1498. As we have nothing by which to set-
tle either date, all that we can do is to mention the matter
and pass on.

Excerpta historica. Privy purse expenses of Henry VII. p. 126, 130, 131,133.
* Stow, Chronicle, London, 1580. p. 875.

116 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER X.

Sebastian Cabot passes to the service of Spain.

Spain watched the English discoveries with jealous eye, and
did her best to put obstacles and impediments in their way.
When in July 1500, Alonzo de Ojeda was sent out as Governor
of Coquibacoa, the decree appointing him says : "you will fol-
low and explore the coast you discovered, which runs appar-
ently from east to west, because it extends to the part where
it is known that the English have made discoveries, and you
are to place marks, as you go, with their Highnesses' arms
or other known signs, as you think best, to show that you dis-
covered that land, and so cut off the English discoveries in
that direction."!

The great danger for Spain was that England, besides ex-
tending her discoveries to new lands, might succeed in finding
a passage to Asia north of the land already discovered, through
which most of the benefits anticipated from the commerce
with Cathay would be transferred to the English market.
This danger was not greatly to be feared during the reign of
Henry VII, because his extraordinary penuriousness left the
whole burden of these undertakings to the initiative of private
individuals who bore all the expense, and with no other im-
pulse they necessarily went on very slowly, and so feebly that
they were on the point of expiring. But the miserly and vacillat-
ing Henry VII was succeeded by Henry VIII, a munificent and

*"Jtem: que vaes e sisiais aquella costa que descubristes se cone leste-vuest,
segun parece, por razon que vahacia la parte donde 86 ha sabido que descubrian
los Jngleses e vais poniendo las marcas con las armas de SS. A. A. o con
otros senales que sean conocidos, quales vos pareciere : porque se conozca
como vos habeis clescubierto aquella tierra, para que atages el descubrir de los
Ingleses por aquella via. ..." Navarrete, Tomo fii, p. 86.

HH ARRIVES IN SPAIN. 117

bold young man who found himself in possession of his father's
hoarded treasures.* For the moment the impetuousness
of youth incited him to military glory, and immediately
he took part in the wars raging on the Continent, allying
himself with Ferdinand King of Spain, whose daughter he had
married. But who can answer for the future ? The astute Ferdi-
nand thought it best to take steps to prevent danger and while
the English Monarch was so well disposed, quietly deprive him
of the principal arm he might some day use against him. This
arm was Sebastian Cabot.

The alliance referred to between King Ferdinand of Spain
and the youthful Henry VIII of England was directed against
Louis XII King of France. By the terms of the treaty con-
cluded between the two sovereigns November 7, 1511, it was
agreed that the King of England should land 6000 men in
Aquitaine, and the Spaniard towards the month of April 1512
should dispatch a fleet of forty sail to Southampton for 4rans-
porting them.f It was so carried out. Lord Willoughby, one
of the generals of the expedition, took in his train Sebastian
Cabot. We know not in what capacity Cabot went, but from
all the information we have, it seems to me very clear that
his going to the war was a mere pretext for leaving England
and passing into Spain where King Ferdinand had invited
him. That he had not sought this new service, but went by
request, is expressly stated by Peter Martyr D' Anghiera and
Herrera, The former says : "He was called from England
by the Catholic King after the death of Henry VII,"+ and

* Hume says of Henry VII. "So insatiable was his avarice By all these

arts of accumulation joined to a rigid frugality in hjs expenses, he so filled his
coffers, that he is said to have possessed in ready money the sum of one million
eight hundred thousand pounds : a treasure almost incredible if we consider the
scarcity of money in those times." And in a note : " Silver was, during this
reign, thirty-seven shillings and sixpence a pound, which makes Henry's treasure
near three millions of our present money." This was noted by Hume in his days
(1711—1776): but if we consider the difference in the value of money since his
time we shall see that the value of the sum hoarded by Henry VII vyas really
enormous. Hume's History of England, ch. xxvi.

f See Bergenroth, Calendar, vol. ii, N. 59, 63, p. 58.

% "'Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum Vocatus namque ex Britannia arege

118 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the latter, narrating Ferdinand's anxiety about the newly-dis-
covered lands, and his cautious glances towards the island of
Baccalaos, and his desire of gathering around him the best
cosmographers of the time, says that these motives induced
him to draw Sebastian Cabot into his service, knowing him
to be an expert man of the sea.* True, in writing to Sebas-
tian, King Ferdinand says : "You offered your services ;"f
but this is merely a form of chancery, for the purpose of keep-
ing up the King's dignity.

On arriving in Spain Sebastian Cabot had a conference at
the city of Burgos, with Lope Conchillos, secretary of Queen
Joanna, and with the Bishop of Palencia, and the terms of his
employment were therein settled.;}; After that, Ferdinand
wrote the same day to Lord Willoughby, asking him to send
Sebastian Cabot to him, as he required to consult him about
some matters relating to his service ; and he also wrote to
Cabot himself inviting him to come to him at once at Logrono,
where Ferdinand then was. §

nostro Catholico post Heurici majoris Britanniae regis mortem concurialis est."
Petri Martyris de Angheria, De Rebus Oceanicis et orbe novo. Dec. iii, lib. vi.

*"Este desseo de descubrir el estreclio, y de tener el Rey en su servicio per-
sonas platicas en descubrimientos, y affirmarle mnchos Cosmographos que
necessariamente le avia de aver a la parte de los Bacallaos y otro al occidente ;
le movio a traer a su servicio a Sebastian Gaboto Ingles, por tener noticia que
era experto hombre de mar." Hen-era, Dec. i, lib. ix, cap. xiii.

f'Ofrecisteis servirncs." See note next but one.

JThis Bishop of Palencia must have been John Rodrigo de Fonseca, not yet
promoted to the archbishopric of Rosano, who was general superintendent of
the affairs of the New World, and who made himself notorious by his ill-treat-
ment and oppression of Christopher Columbus.

$ "R. a Milor de Ulibi Capitan R. de Ingl.a He sabido que viene en vtra" com-
paiiia Sebastian Caboto Ingles, e porque yo quiero saber del cosas de ntro ser-
vicio, le enbiareis a do estoi." Logrono, 13 Set.e 512.

"Conch [illo]

' 'Obpo[de Paleucia] (M. S.in the Library of the Academy of History at Madrid .
Collec. Mufioz, t. ex. fol. 109.)
^"R. a Sebastian Caboto.

"Sabeis que en Burgos os hablaron de mi parte'Conchillos i el Obp. de Pa-
lencia sobre la navegacion a los Bacallos.e ofrecisteis servirnos escribiendo yo
a Milor de Uliby, ntrO Capitan : hele escrito y con su licencia venies, a do
estoi." Logrono, 13 Set.e 512 (lb. fol. 115).
The Spaniards translating according to sound the name of Willoughby,made it

1512 to 1515. 119

This concern on the King's part to write both requests the
same day shows clearly that every thing wras settled upon be-
tween Cabot and the Spanish government, and the conference
at Burgos was merely for the purpose of closing an agree-
ment already made. Cabot went at once to Castile, and Fer-
dinand, by decree of October 20, 1512, conferred on him the
rank of Captain with a salary of fifty thousand maravedis
yearly, and assigned Seville as his residence while waiting
for orders. * The same day, October 20, the King wrote to
his ambassador to the English government, ordering him to
assist Sebastian Cabot, his captain, who was going to England
to arrange his affairs and bring away his wife and family. f

His wife was called Catharine Medrano, a Spaniard it
would seem from the name.;): From this circumstance, and
from the fact that Peter Martyr says that Sebastian Cabot
was called to Spain after the death of Henry VII, who died
in 1509, Harrisse is of the opinion that Sebastian had been in
Spain before 1512, but without giving up his English dom-
icile, and that it was then that he married. § For my part,
I do not regard the building on the wife's name as very con-
sistent, for it may very well have been possible for Sebastian to

Uliby. Hen-era also calls him the same: "El Rev escribio a Milort Ulibi.".

1. r.

*"Letter from King Ferdinand to the Office at Seville, to which was entrusted
the management of all the affairs of the New World.

"R. a off. de Sevilla.

"A Sebastian Caboto Ingles he echo merced de ntro Capitan de mar con 50,
000 mrs. de Salario, los que les pagareis annualm.te en la forma acostumbrada.

"Longrono, 20 Oct. e 1512.

"Conch.

"Obpo."— Ibidem.— Herrera : "Sebastiano Gaboto vino a Castilla, y el Rey
le dio titulo de su capitan, y buenos gages, y quedo en su servicio,y le mando
resider en Sevilla, para le que se ordenasse." Herrera, 1. c.

f "El Rey D. Luis Caro ntro Embajador etc.

"Sebastiano Caboto, ntro Gapitan va a poner recaudo en su hacienda; a traer
su mujer i casa : favoreced su bueuo y breve despacho.

"Logrofio, 20 oct.e 512. lb."

\ App. xx.

§"Nous croyons .... qu' entre les ann6es 1502 et 1509 ou 1512 Cabot, libre d'
engagements a regard de Henri VII, visita l'Espagne et s'y maria mais sans
cesser d' avoir son domicile en Angleterre."

Jeanet Sebastien Cabot, p. 109-110.

120

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

meet a Spanish woman in England ; thus Christopher Co-
lumbus met Philippa Perestrello, an Italian, in Lisbon, and
married her. It is by no means necessary to understand by
Peter Martyr's expression post mortem, the time immediately
following the death of Henry VII.

From 1512 to .515 the only record to be found of Sebastian
Cabot is in certain schedules of payment of salary, which by
the King's order was paid him in full without any deduction
for the time he spent in England on his own affairs.*

In 1515 Peter Martyr in speaking of him, mentions the
friendship he had with him, and the hospitality which
he often extended to him in his own house. He calls him also
his Concurialis, and as Peter Martyr was a member of the
Supreme Council of the Indies, Eden, as we have seen, inter-
prets that word to mean that Sebastian was also a member of
the council, and many others have repeated it after him.f But
the fact is that Herrera gives a list of all the members of that
council, and in it we find Peter Martyr, but no Sebastian
Cabot. ;f The proper translation of the word is, therefore, that
given by Avezac, namely, that concurialis means 'is here with
me at court. "§

From Peter Martyr's words it seems that Sebastian Cabot
was surrounded in Spain by a strong circle of rivals who tried
to detract from his reputation and sap the foundation of his
greatness.i1 This was very natural. Among those Spanish sea-
men were some who had accompanied the discoverer of the
New World on his voyages ; there were the companions
of Alonzo de Ojeda, of Yanez Pinzon, of John de la Cosa; and
they must all have felt humiliated that a foreigner, a perfect
stranger to Spanish navigations, should place himself at their
side and take precedence over many of them. But the high

* See App. xvii.

f In his translation of the first three Decades of Anghiera, 1555.

X This list is found at the bottom of his Description of the East Indies.

% In the Revue Critique d' Histoire et de Litterature, Premier Semestre,
1870, p. 265.

|| "Ex Castellanis non desuntqui Cabotum primum fuisse Baccalorum reper-
torem negant, tantumque ad Occidentem tetendisse minime assentiuntur." P.
M. d'Anghiera, 1. c.

DEATH OF KING FERDINAND. 121

position in which we find him in 1515, shows that he had
come out triumphantly over all and every thing. In that
year Herrera names him as a member of a commission
charged with revising and correcting all the maps and charts
used in Spanish navigation, a duty of the greatest im-
portance and delicacy at a time when the principal activity
of Spain was directed to navigation and discovery.*

Under the same year, Peter Martyr's history relates that an
expedition was planned for the next year to make further ex-
plorations and discoveries, and that Cabot was to be at its
head.f In fact, in the book of accounts of the Treasury at the
House at Seville, is a note of a payment to Sebastian Cabot for
going to court to confer with Their Majesties concerning a
voyage of discovery which he was to undertake.^: But while
they were making preparations, King Ferdinand died, Janu-
ary 23, 1516.

CHAPTER XL

Sebastian Cabot back in England.

The governments of those days, all centring in the life of
the sovereign, always received a severe shock wdien he died,
and the whole machinery of the public business felt its effects
in a greater or less degree. In this oscillation there was al-
ways a period of uncertainty, of doubt, in the whole civil ad-
ministration until the new sovereign had declared his views

* ".. . — porque las cartas de marear de Castilla no pareva que estavan

conformes*los oficiales de la casa de Sevilla suplicaron al Rey les diesse
licencia para bazer sobre ello junta de Pilotos y corregir las cartas. El Rey lo
tuvo por bien . . . . y para la junta que se avia de bazer, ordeuo que se bus-
casseu los meiores Cosmografos y Pilotos : rnaudo a . . . . asentar el salario de
Capitan y Cosmografo a Sebastian Caboto, etc." Dec. ii, lib. i, cap. xii.

t "Sebastianus Cabotns . . . expectat in dies ut navigia sibi parentur, quibus
arcanum hoc nature latens iam tandem detegatur. Martio mense anni futuri
MDXVI puto ad explorandum discessurum." 1. c.

As to arcanum hoc naturae latens. See note at that place in App. xviii.

t See App, xvii. A.

122 TTHfi LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOtf.

of the direction he wished to give to the machinery of the
government. The internal and external relations of the King-
dom of Spain and the different characters of the former and
present sovereign rendered this period of uncertainty and
doubt unusually full of anxiety and danger. Spain was a
kingdom of recent formation, and with the new King made
its first experiment of trusting its united destinies to the
hands of a single sovereign. Externally Spanish honor was
pledged in many and distant wars and their fortunate issue
was not so much hoped for from their own forces and treasure,
as from the prudence of Ferdinand and the confidence in him-
self which he had inspired in nearly every court. He was
horn and bred and lived in Spain and for Spain, and associated
with the heroic Isabella in the glory of having given national
unity to the country. On the other hand, Charles, his suc-
cessor, was young, only known to Spaniards by name, born and
bred an Austrian, with his affections much more set on his
paternal domains than on the rich inheritance of his grand-
father. The suspense of mind was consequently greater in the
beginning of the new reign than on other like occasions, and
the preparations for Sebastian Cabot's contemplated expedi-
tion as well as many other matters were put aside.

During this period, which naturally had special causes of
anxiety for Cabot, an opportunity was presented for him to
return again to the frosts of the North in the service of
England for a new expedition in search of the longed-for pas-
sage to Cathay by the north-west. But as his service only
lasted during this expedition, and after that we again find
him at his accustomed duties in Spain, we must presume that
he had a special permission for his absence from the Spanish
government. How he came to be called to England, and
on what terms, and who was promoting the expedition, all
is dark to us. The grants already mentioned from the King
of England to the three Portuguese merely contemplated new
explorations and discoveries in the regions already discovered.
Nowhere does it appear that any one had proposed to resume
the bold idea of the Cabots of opening a passage to the
eastern lands of Cathay across the lands discovered in the

VOYAGE OF 1516. 123

northern seas to the westward. But on September 25, 1513,
Vasco Nunez de Balboa crossing from Darien the cloven
heights of the Cordillera, from the tops of those mountains dis-
covered the Great Ocean, and settled the question that the
lands of America were isolated.* This fact puts Cabot's plan
in a new light, and the search after a passage to the eastern
lands of Asia acquired the same importance as the first voy-
ages of discovery in the New World. As the matter was of the
greatest interest for the future of England, Cabot's idea was
taken up again, and an expedition got together for a new
and more determined experiment. Sebastian Cabot was
called upon to direct it in the character of pilot, f

Of all the losses we have to lament in his life this is the
most deplorable, that nothing is left concerning this voyage
which from many indications appears to have been most im-
portant under every aspect. It is only by chance that with
much labor we have been able to make sure of its existence.
Richard Eden, the personal friend of Sebastian Cabot, is the
only one to make direct and clear mention of it. In 1553, dur-
ing the life-time of Sebastian,Eden printed at London a transla-
tion of the Universal Cosmography of Sebastian Munster, and
in the dedication to the Duke of Northumberland, complain-
ing of the neglect into which navigation, and discovery had
fallen, he writes these words : "If it (manly courage) had not
been wanting in other in these our dayes at such time as our
Sovereigne Lord of noble memory, King Henry the Eighth, a-

* Herrera, Dec. i, lib. x, cap. i.

t Oviedo, in the 13th chapter of the XIX Book of his history, relates that an
English vessel coming from the neighborhood of Brazil appeared at the har-
bor of San Domingo in the island of Hispaniola, and requested license to enter
there for the purpose of trading; that the comandant of the fort being sus-
picious opened fire on it, and the English retired in fear and went to the island
of St. John for supplies, complaining loudly of their treatment, and protesting
that they came with fair intentions of trafficking and nothing else.

The fact occurred in 1527, but Hakluyt erroneously puts it in 1517, aud
so believes that the vessel was commanded by Sebastian Cabot, and makes
one of his expeditions take place in 1517 to the vicinity of Brazil. Purchas
(Pilgrims, vol. iv, p. 1812), Robertson in his History of America (Book
ix), Lardner in his Cyclopaedia (vol. ii, p. 138), and others have fallen into
the same error.

124 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

bout the same (eighth )y ere of his raygne, furnished and set forth
carten shippes under the governaunce of Sebastian Cabot yet living,
and one sir Thomas Parte, whose fayant heart was the cause
that that viage toke none effect ; if (I say) such manly courage
whereof we have spoken had not at that tyme bene wanting, it
myghte happelye have come to passe that rich treasurye called
Perularia (which is now in Spayne, in the citie of Civile
and so named, for that in it is kepte the infinite ryches brought
thither from the newefoundland of Peru) myght longe since
have bene in the Tower of London, to the Kinges great hon-
ure and welth of this his realme."*

Henry VIII having ascended the throne April 22, 1509,
the eighth year of his reign strictly speaking is from April
22, 1516 to April 22, 1517. But in a broader sense we may
mean 1509 by the first year of his reign, and 1510 by the sec-
ond, and so on : which would make the eighth year coincide
with 1516. Some writers have followed one, some the other in-
terpretation; and whichever is followed makes no substantial
difference in the narrative. I incline to the second, which
keeps us within the year 1516 ; because it seems to me more
natural that Cabot's departure from Spain should have oc-
curred within the first months after Ferdinand's death, just in
that period of uncertainty and doubt we have spoken of, be-
fore the new sovereign has shown the direction he intends to
give to the machinery of government.

As to Perularia, we easily recognize under this name the
immense treasures which Spain in those times drew from Peru,
and which fancy made even greater than they were, though
they were great enough in reality.

This is the only direct notice we have of this new expedi-
tion, but other indirect notices, and very clear ones, confirm
and extend the account given by Eden,

Robert Thome, a rich English merchant settled in Seville,
who watched with great interest the march of discovery, anx-
ious that his country should also enter fully and effectually
on this glorious path, wrote in 1527 a memorial to Henry

* A Treatise of the New India, Load. 1553.

VOYAGE OF 1516. 125

VIII to urge that monarch to seek a passage by the north to
reach the regions of Cathay.* He accompanied this letter
with another to Dr. Edward Leigh, ambassador of Henry VIII
to Charles V in Spain. In the letter to Leigh he explains
why he takes so lively an interest in the search for that pas-
sage by the northern seas. " I reason that as some sick-
nesses are hereditarious, and come from the father to the
sonne, so this inclination or desire of this disco verie I in-
herited of my father, which with another marchant of
Bristow named Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers of the New-
found-Lands ;f of the which there is no doubt (as nowe
plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have bene
ruled and followed their Pilot's minde, the lands of the West
Indies (from whence all the gold commeth,) had bene ours.
For all is one coast, as by the card appeareth, and is
aforesayd." % There are three ways proposed by Thorne
to the King for opening this passage ; one would run
behind the new land he speaks of in his letter to Leigh.
His words are : "And if they (our sailors) will take their
course after they be past the Pole, toward the west, they shall
go in the backside of the Newfoundland, which of late ivas
discovered by your Grace's subjects, until they come to the back-
side and south seas of the Indies Occidental. "§

The expression, of late, applied to the new discovery, assures
us that Newfoundland seen in 1497, is not referred to, for the
long time that had elapsed, and the numerous voyages thither,
would make the expression entirely out of place ; whereas
only fourteen years had passed since the expedition of 1516,
and as it pushed northwards to an altitude never before

*Hakluyt, vol.i. p. 235.

f lb. p. 237. Rymer in his Fcedera, vol. xiii, p. 37, reports a royal patent
for a new expedition, December 9, 1502, in which the name of Hugh Eliot is
joined with that of Thomas Ashehurst and not with Nicholas Tborne's. Hence
we must either admit another patent which we know nothing of, or more prob-
ably suppose with Biddle that Thorne bought from Ashehurst or his heirs his
share in the privileges of the expedition. Memoir, ch. xiii, pp. 107, 108.

X He means the chart which Thorne enclosed with the letter to explain and
prove his plan. Hakluyt, i. 243.

§ Hakluyt, ib. p. 237.

126 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

reached, the name of Newfoundland belongs more ap-
propriately to the regions then seen for the first time. And that
the Newfoundland was seen on Cabot's expedition of 1516 we
know from the circumstance of the revolt of the crews, which
is likewise told by Eden, and is found in all the other ac-
counts referring to the same expedition.

This voyage is told of with additional and more particular
details, but without any date given, in a legend on one of Ca-
bot's charts preserved in the private royal gallery at White-
hall in Westminster, as we are informed by Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, himself a distinguished navigator, and who in his
youth may have seen and known the great Venetian person-
ally.* These are Humphrey's words : " Sebastian Cabota ....
in his charts which are yet to be seene in the Queen's
Majesty's Privie Gallerie at Whitehall .... affirme that
he sayled very farre westward with a quarter of the North,
on the North side of Terra de Labrador the eleventh of
June, until he came to the septentrionall latitude of\67
degrees and a-halfe, and finding the seas still open, sayd
that he might and would have gone to Cataia, if the mutinie
of the Master and Mariners had not bene."f

Cabot himself wrote to Jerome Ramusio the same details
as those on the chart, as the latter relates in his dedicatory
letter to the celebrated Fracastoro, prefixed to the third vol-
ume of his great collection. Ramusio speaking of New France,
as it was called then, or Canada as it is now, says : "We are
not yet (1553) sure whether that land is joined on to the
mainland of the province of Florida and New Spain, or is all
divided into islands. And if by that way it is possible to go
to Cathay, as was written many years ago by Signor Se-
bastian Cabot, our Venetian, a man of great experience and
rare in the art of navigation and science of cosmography : he
had sailed above this land of New France at the expense of

* He lived from 1539 to 1584, and won great reputation in his search for a
passage to Cathay by the north-east of Europe. The story of his voyage was
originally published in 1576, and republished, but in a mutilated form, by Hak-
luyt.

f Hakluyt,[vol. iii, p. 38.

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON STRAIT. 127

King Henry VII of England, and he told me that having
gone a long distance towards the west and a quarter to the
north-west behind these islands situated along the said land,
as far as sixty-seven and a half degrees under our pole, on
the 11th of June, and finding the sea open and without im-
pediment, he firmly believed he could pass by that way tow-
ards eastern Cathay, and would have done so if the malice of
the master and insurgent mariners had not forced him to turn
bach" *

As to the height of latitude reached, Martin Frobisher
put it at 67 degrees,f Herrera 684 But this difference not only
is slight, but the mean between them exactly agrees with
Ramusio, who says 67°, 30'.

It is an exaggerated scruple on the part of Erizzo Minis-
calchi that contrary to the full agreement of these witnesses,
makes him loath to admit this voyage of Cabot's for the sole
reason that he was not at its head, but only held the office of
Pilot ; regarding it as unbecoming and inadmissible that
after holding the first rank in other navigations, he should
in this have accepted a secondary part.§ In allowing him-
self to be affected by this scruple, he forgets with wThat
strength an idea rooted for years m a man's mind, and
strengthened by long study and meditation, gains absolute
dominion over his thoughts and forces the will and self-love to
bend in order to gain the desired triumph. What though Cabot
had over his head the person of Thomas Pert, officers and sail-
ors knew that not Pert but he was the Pharos of the expedition

* As to tbe uncertainty expressed by Ramusio whether New France was all
a continuous land with Florida and New Spain (Mexico), it should be remem-
bered that John de la Cosa in his famous chart of 1500 makes the land contin-
uous from the coast of Labrador to south of the equatorial line. John Sehoner,
on the contrary, in his of 1520, divides North and Central America into two
parts. As to what is mentioned here about Henry VII, we shall recur to it L-
the XII chapter where the same matter is repeated by another writer,
f 'I find that Gabota was the first, in Kins Henry VII's days, that discovered
this frozen land or seas from sixty-seven towards the North and from thence
towards the South, along the coast of America to 36 degrees and a half, etc."
Reporte of Voyage to Meta Incognita etc. Bv Thomas Church vard, Hakluyt, iii.
38.

X Dec. i, lib. vi, cap. 16.

§ Erizzo Miniscalchi, "Le Scoperte Artiche" p. 131, note.

128 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

and to him they looked for light amid the darkness of the
way. And if they had succeeded in gloriously carrying out
their purpose, it certainly would not be on Pert's forehead
that public opinion would have placed the triumphal crown.
And besides, in the maritime enterprises of those days instan-
ces often occurred where men of great worth and reputation ac-
cepted a secondary part that they might have some share in
the expedition : as John de la Cosa in those of Alonzo de
Ojeda and Rodrigo de Bastidas ; Americus Vespucci in all
four of his voyages ; William Barentz in the expedition of
1596 led by Heemcskerck ; William Baffin in that of 161G di-
rected by Robert Bylot. * Only too frequently were the gen-
ius and the means to lead an expedition in open opposition
one to another, and in such cases genius must yield to the will
and sometimes arrogance of the one who puts out the
money, reserving for its own reward the satisfaction of being
the real head of the expedition. But history did justice, and
the bay discovered by the expedition of 1616 was named
after the pilot Baffin, not the commander Bylot,

CHAPTER XII.

Sebastian Cabot discovered the strait and bay which were
afterwards named from Hudson.

What was the place in latitude sixty-seven-and-a-half
degrees, where Sebastian Cabot was compelled by the fear of
his companions to go back ? We have no direct information
from any quarter, but by putting together various other facts
we may be able to throw some light on our subject.

The fourth expedition, like the third, aimed at finding a
passage to the eastern coasts of Asia ; where would it go to
look for it ? Certainly not to the place already explored and

in.

L. Huguezia the "Memorie della Societa Geografica Italiana," vol. i, parte

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON STRAIT. 129

which had given a negative answer to previous researches.
The southern part of America to the mouth of the Rio de la
Plata had been passed by Spanish and Portuguese ships ; the
central had been explored by the Spaniards from the days of
Christopher Columbus ; the northern from the coasts of Labra-
dor to Chesapeake Bay had been visited by Sebastian Cabot
himself, in 1498. All that remained, then, to explore was the
southern extremity and the region north of Labrador. The
Portuguese and Spanish vessels were busy exploring and ex-
amining to the south, and besides it was too far out of the
reach of England ; therefore the new English expedition had
no way left for it to take but to push its explorations to the
north of Labrador. It could not, however, go too far north,
for in the previous voyage of 1498 they saw there was land
in that direction and that it trended to the north-east. There-
fore the course of Sebastian Cabot was designated right to
the north-west, to the broad opening between Labrador and
Greenland, the precise portion still unexplored, for as we said
in its proper place, from the parallel of 66° where he
reached the coast of Greenland, he sailed right down to the
coast of Labrador, without taking notice of the wide gulf he
left on his right. But as the English afterwards often re-
turned to the land of Labrador, it was very easy to ascertain
that it extended far back in the sea towards the north-west.

Entering that gulf, is it more probable that he passed
through Davis Strait or the smaller strait of Hudson ? The
question is equivalent to this ; what is more likely than that
Cabot continued at hazard on the open sea and kept along the
coast of Labrador, following every bend it makes, towards
the places where he wanted to arrive? To the question in this
form, it seems to me, there can be but one answer. His
course from England was therefore straight for the land of
Labrador, at the point where his previous exploration ended,
and then taking the coast for his guide, he came to Cape
Chudleigh where the land turns, and he turned with it, and
so found himself sailing in that strait which was afterwards
named from Hudson.

Let us now see how the few indications which have been

9

130 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

left us agree with these probable and natural suppositions
of the itinerary of the fourth expedition.

After Sebastian Cabot's death repeated attempts were made
to find a passage to Asia by the north of America and,
as is natural, his previous voyages served as the rule
and guide of those who wanted to continue his work : and his
not having succeeded was the main argument in opposition
to prove that it was idle to renew the attempt. The first to
come forward with great courage and tenacity to resume the
work of Sebastian Cabot was Martin Frobisher who gave his
name to one of the bays opening on the eastern coast of Cum-
berland. A great contest occurred over his project, for
and against it, but the victory remained with those in its
favor. Among its most ardent supporters was Humphrey Gil-
bert whose name was afterwards distinguished among the
most honored in the noble band of discoverers. He had made
special studies on this subject, and a certain George Gascoigne,
a relative of Frobisher's, knowing this, requested him to
show Frobisher what he had collected so as to derive from it
advice and rules foi his voyage. Humphrey complied, and
Gascoigne printed and published the information thus
obtained on the 12th of April 1576, two months before Frob-
isher started on his voyage. Gascoigne himself tells us all this
in the Preface.* Here, for the purpose of proving that
the north of America is not a continuous land, but that there
is an opening there by which a passage is given to the east-
ero lands of Asia, we read the following passage, a part
of which we have already given, but the whole is inserted
here for greater clearness. " Furthermore Sebastian Cabota

*"Now it happened that myself being one(amongst many)beholden to the said
sir Humphrey Gilbert for sundry courtesies, did come to visit him in the win-
ter last past, at his house in Limehouse, and being very bold to demand of
him, how he spent his time in this loitering vacation from martial stratagems,
he courteously took me into his study, and there showed me sundry profitable
and very commendable exercises which he had perfected painfully with his own
pen, and amongst the rest this present discovery. The which, as well because
it was not long, as also, because, lunderstood that M. Forboiser, a Kins-man of
mine, did pretend to travel in the same discovery, I craved it at the said sir
Humphrey's hand for two oi three days." Biddle, Memoir, bk. ii,ch. xiii.

DATE OF THIS DISCOVERY. 131

by his personal experience and travel hath set foorth, and described
this passage in his charts which are yet to be seene in the
Queen's Majesty's Privie Gallerie at Whitehall, who was
sent to make this discovery by King Henry VII, and
entered the same fret : affirming that he sailed veryfarre west-
ward with a quarter of the North, on the North side of Terra
de Labrador the eleventh of June, until he came to the
septemptrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a-halfe, and finding
the sea still open, said that he might and would have gone to
Cataia, if the mutinie of the Master and Mariners had not
bene."*

Another person who fought hard in favor of Martin Frobish-
er's undertaking was Richard Willes, the meritorious contin-
uator of Eden's work. He puts in the mouth of the opponents
who claimed that it was impossible for it to succeed, these
words : "Well graunt the West Indies not to continue continent
unto the Pole, grant there be a passage between these two
lands, let the gulfe lie nearer us than commonly in Cardes
we finde it set, namely, behveene the 61 and 64 degrees North, as
Gemma Frisius f in his mappes and globes imagineth it,
and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot, in his Table,
which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheynies . ..." £

Then speaking in his own person with greater particularity
he continues : "For that Caboto was not only a skilful seaman
but a long traveller and such a one as entered personally that
straight, sent by King Henry VII. to make this aforesaid dis-
covery as in his own Discourse of Navigation yov may read in
his Card, drawn ivith his own hand, that the mouth of the North
Western Straight lieth near the 318 meridian, between 61 and
64 degrees in the elevation continuyng the same breadth a-
bout ten degrees West, where it openeth southerly more and
more."§

* Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 38 from the Discourse of Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
where the possibility is proved of going by the north-west to Cathay, ch. iii.

f Gemma Regnier, surnamed Frisius or Frizon because born in Frieslaud in
Holland, was a celebrated mathematician, who besides many other works of
great merit and reputation published a " Mappa Mundi," atLouvain in 1540.
He was born in 1508, and died at Louvaiu in 1555.

X Hakluyt vol. iii, p. 48. § lb. p. 49.

132 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

The topographical description corresponds so exactly with
the true position that of itself alone it would suffice to con-
vince us that Richard Willes was speaking of the very strait
and bay which were later called after Hudson, and of no other
place. But if this is not enough, there is the perfect agree-
ment of the latitude in its confirmation. Willes's calculation
of the longitude is made from the island of Ferro eastwards.
Now following this direction between 61° and 64° N. L. we
come directly to the mouth of Hudson Strait. It is true that the
degrees of longitude from the Island of Ferro to the entrance of
that strait are not 318 as Willes has it, but 312 ; but the
difference very likely should be charged to Willes, who judged
by looking at Cabot's chart, without much attention to the
mathematical exactness in the distance. *

The difference in longitude, however, does not injure
our argument, so long as the latitude, which is the important
point, is given correctly.

Finally, Ortelius puts the seal on all this discussion by
his Theatrum, Orbis Terrarum, published in 1570, that is to say,
forty years before Hudson's expedition ; and even before
Martin Frobisher attempted his voyage to the same coasts.
In that Atlas, in the map he calls "America, i. e. novi orbis
descriptio, " he puts the strait and bay which were afterwards
called Hudson's, and the channel afterwards named Fox's
which empties into the bay, with an exactness not possible to
any one who had not certain and precise information of the
topography of those regions. But where could he have got
this information ? The answer is had in the Catalogue of
the authors from whom he says he obtained the necessary
information for his work. Amongst these we find Sebastian
Cabot, whose "universal map cut in brass" he says he had be-
fore his eyes, f As none of the other authors he names in the

*Bi<ldle, Memoir, Book i, ch. 3, pp. 234-285.

t Oatologus auctornm Tabula! um Geograpuicamm quotquot ad uostram cog-
nitionem hactenus pervenere.

Sebastianvs Gabotus Venetus.

Universalero talmlam quam impressam aeneis formis vidimus, sed sine nomine
loci et impressoris.

DATE OF THIS DISCOVERY. 133

note give any information whatever concerning those north-
ern regions, it remains necessary that he must have obtained
it from Cabot.

In the whole treatment of this chapter I have followed al-
most in the steps of Richard Biddlcin his Memoir, as it seems
to me that what he says is not only likely or probable, but true.
I must confess that the last argument drawn from Ortel-
ius's Atlas has given me some trouble. Biddle did not know
of Sebastian Cabot's great planisphere which is still preserved
in the National Library at Paris. But we who know of it
must draw our proofs from that, not from Ortelius. For al-
though Ortelius has Hudson Bay and Strait and Fdx Chan-
nel with all the exactness noted by Biddle, Cabot's plani-
sphere on the contrary leaves us in the dark. From this it
would seem most natural to conclude that Ortelius did not
obtain his knowledge of those parts from Cabot's Map. But
on thinking it over there seems a way out of this reasoning.
The list of the authors consulted by him proves clearly that
Ortelius could not have obtained the existence of that bay
and strait from any other source than a chart of Cabot's.
That Cabot in his charts had marked a strait in those parts and
at that height is proved by the testimony of several persons
who had seen and studied those charts. It follows then that
Ortelius had under his eyes some other chart than that
preserved at Paris ; in fact Sir Humphrey speaks of charts
preserved in the gallery of Whitehall, not of a single chart.

Here I think best to recall what we elsewhere observed, that
it was forbidden under pain of death for the Spanish and
Portuguese pilots to trace on their sailing-charts any sign that
could put other countries on the track of discovering the canal
sought for and which opened the way to the East Indies.*
The chart, from which the copy at Paris is taken, was made
whilst Cabot was in Spain, and even if he had wished to make

*" The Spaniards and Portugals have commanded that, no pilot of theirs

upon paine of death, should plat out in any sea card, any thorow passage "

Hakluyt, iii, p. 23 — G. B. Belloro in his "Elogio di Leone Pancaldo" re-
ports a notarial act of September 30, 1531, by which Pancaldo, a companion of
Magellan, bound himself to the King of Portugal for the sum of 2000 ducats
not to teach anyone the new way discovered to the Moluccas, and not to make

134 THE LIFE OE SEBASTIAN CABOT.

his discovery known of the bay which was afterwards named
from Hudson, and the two channels communicating with it, he
could give no hint of it, for to do so would have been to sign
his own condemnation. But when he wTas in England, beyond
all danger from Spain, he added that correction to his plani-
sphere. We must then presume that the copies mentioned by
Sir Humphrey Gilbert and that used by Ortelius were taken
from the planisphere corrected and improved by the addition
of this discovery.

It is then beyond question that Sebastian Cabot had
sailed through the strait which gave immortal fame to the
name of Hudson; he knew the bay, had seen its expanse south-
wards, and indicated that there was a passage through it into a
new channel towards the north.

But in which of his voyages did he make this discovery ?

It could not have been in either of the voyages of 1497
and 1498 ; what we know of them excludes it. It could not
have been in the period from 1498 to 1512 in which we
lose sight of him, for the only sign of him we have during
that period, so far from showing him to us in such distant ex-
peditions as that of Hudson's Bay, represents him, on the
contrary, in the care and anxiety of getting together a few
vessels for a voyage which failed precisely on account of the
poverty and scarcity of the means with which it was under-
taken. * Nothing remains then but the expedition of 1516.
But it is not necessary to obtain this conclusion from negative
proof alone : Sir Humphrey Gilbert's own words place this
discovery in that year. Read them over carefully, and you
will see what appears to me quite clear. The short extract we
made from them is divided in two parts : in the first he says
that Cabot discovered and described that strait, and in the sec-
ond, that he sailed to 67° 30' of North Latitude, and was
obliged to return by the mutiny of the crews. Are the two parts
separated from each other ? No, they are joined closely by
means of the present participle : " Sebastian Cabota by his per-

any geographical chart showing it. See Qiornale Ligustico Feb. e Marzo,1875,
p. 56".
* See chapter xix.

DID HUDSON KNOW OF CABOT'S DISCOVERY ? 135

sonal experience and travell hath set foorth and described

this passage and entered the same fret ; affirmiyig

that he sailed to the Septentrionall latitude of G7i

degrees and .... that he might and would have gone to
Cataia if the mutinie of the Maister and Mariners had not
bene."* Then the two things form a single whole and are
inseparable one from the other. But we know from Eden that
the navigation to sixty-seven-and-a-half degrees and the mu-
tiny of the crews was in the eighth year of Henry VIII, or in
1516 : therefore the discovery of the strait and bay was like-
wise in that year.

At first sight this conclusion appears to contradict the ac-
count of Richard Willes who says that " Cabot .... entered
personally that straight, sent by King Henry VII to make
this aforesaid discovery." But a careful attention to the whole
of his words will show that he mentions Henry VII, not in
connection with the particular discovery of that strait, but as
a general mention that from him began the navigations of Se-
bastian Cabot, on one of which he made the discovery of that
strait. In other words, it is as if he had said : " Sebastian
Cabot, sent by Henry VII to discover new lands in the
northern seas, entered that strait which is the commencement
of the passage now sought after." If we had any doubt
about this interpretation it would be dissipated at once by
the instance of Ramusio, whose words also, as we saw in
the last chapter, apparently sound as though Cabot had
reached the height of 67 h degrees under Henry VII : — "It
was written me by Signor Sebastian Cabot .... who had
sailed above this land of New France at the cost of King Henry
VII of England, and he told me how having proceeded a
great distance to the west and a quarter north-west, ....
as far as 67 degrees and a half .... he thought .... he
could pass towards Eastern Cathay." The authority of Eden
who wrote in the life-time of Cabot, and was his personal
friend, assures as with absolute precision that the altitude of
67 degrees and a half was reached in the eighth year of Henry

* App. xxiii.

136 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

VIII : it is therefore impossible that Sebastian Cabot in
his letter to Ramusio put it in the time of Henry VII. How,
then, did Ramusio come to fetch in this King? For the same
reason that Richard Willes did so. It is with the name of
Henry VII that the glorious series of those voyages begins,
and the image of the one who had first opened the way pre-
sented itself to the mind of the historian in telling of their
progress, and as the connection of the two records appeared
spontaneous and natural to his mind,with the same spontane-
ity and naturalness he joined them in his narrative.

But to reach 67 h degrees it is not enough merely to enter
Hudson Strait and reach the Bay, it is also necessary to thread
the channel running into it from the North, now called Fox
Channel, and to pass up it a good distance. At that altitude
when in his heated fancy he was admiring the sight of
the smiling regions of the Grand Khan, the master of the ship
warned him to go back, and he was backed by the raging and
threatening crew. Fear had seized possession of their minds
and hearts and they could listen to no reason for continuing
their course. The genius of the Pilot was obliged to yield to
the claims of the master and the violence of the crew.

The heart is here oppressed with the painful thought of
the injustice with which fame is distributed to men. When
Hudson in 1610 immortalized his name by giving it to the
strait and bay, 94 years had passed since Sebastian Cabot had
made them both known to Europe, and not a palm of land on
the surface of the earth bears the name of Cabot. And Hudson
not only knew of the previous discovery by Sebastian Cabot,
but his whole voyage was guided by the notes he had left of
it. Of this there is no doubt. Among the various names he
gave the new lands he went on visiting, there was even that
of Hakluyt's Headland.* Hakluyt was the famous collector of
English voyages and navigations, a work to which we have had
constant occasion to refer. It is evident from this that Hudson
when giving his name to a promontory in the new lands
wished by this honor to attest and publish his gratitude and

* Purchas,vol. iii,p.464.

INJUSTICE OF FAME. -!.°>7

that of the English for the meritorious work of that writer. This
proof of affection and acknowledgment is all the more valu-
able because Hakluyt was still living, and it is something too
rare to recognize the merits of living persons. Are we to believe
that Hudson whose ambition it was to continue the struggles
and achievements celebrated by Hakluyt, had never looked
into his book, and only knew him by the fame which pro-
claimed his name loudly throughout England ? The supposi-
tion is absurd. Others may have read his works out of zeal of
patriotic affection and love of the excitement of the story of so
many heroic deeds and such endurance; others who desired to
follow in the same path and furnish materials for other like
histories, must have read them through the enthusiasm which
bore them on to similar achievements and for instruction.
Hudson had read and studied Hakluyt, and he had seen on
page 16 of the third volume the extract from Sir Humphrey
Gilbert where he relates that Sebastian Cabot discovered that
strait, and that he had found it designated in his chart
hung in the gallery at Whitehall, and on page 26 he saw
the account of Richard Willes who gave also the latitude of
the strait.

Like Frobisher and Hudson, others who have been vaunted
as bold and hardy discoverers enlarging our knowledge of
North America, have all had the principal points of the path
they wanted to pursue marked out for them in the narratives
of Peter Martyr, Eden, Hakluyt, Willes, and Purchas, after
the report of Sebastian Cabot. But they all had the rep-
utation of being first, and hardly in the shadow is there a sign
of the name of the Venetian who showed them the way.*

* Biddle, Memoir, p. 263 and s.

138 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER XIII.

Return to Spain.

Cabot probably returned to Spain immediately after the
return of this expedition, indignant at being stopped just as
he stretched forth his hand to seize the coveted palm of vic-
tory. But in whatever way the expedition had resulted, it
was in Spain a triumph for him that his work had been so-
licited by England which had tried it previously in other nav-
igations. This was the most effective answer he could make
to his detractors and enemies ; and his genius and skill must
have gained greatly in the esteem and confidence of the Gov-
ernment there. In fact, we find, not long after, a royal or-
dinance dated at Valladolid February 5, 1518, conferring on
him the office of Pilot-Major.* He was the third that attained
to this rank. The first was Americo Vespucci, the lucky
Florentine who left his name to all America ; the second was
John Diaz de Solis, the famous discoverer of the Rio de la
Plata. + Three years after the latter's death Sebastian Cabot
was appointed to this office, the salary of which was the noble
sum of 125,000 maravedis a year.J The duties of the office
are stated in the letter which King Ferdinand wrote to Ves-
pucci August 6, 1508, when it was instituted.

* Herrera, Dec. ii, lib. iii, cap.vii. "El Rey .... diose titulo de Piloto
Mayor al Capitan Sebastian Gaboto," Dec. ii, lib. ix, cap. vii.

f Herrera, Dec. i, lib. vii, cap. i. — Dec. ii, lib. ii, cap. viii.

% Id. ib. — "dal Re Ferdinando fui facto capitano cum provisione di cin-
quanta ra. maravedis, poij fui facto da questo Re presente (Carlo V) piloto maior
cum provvisione di altri 50 m. maravedis et per adiuto di cose mi da poij 25 m.

maravedis cbe sono in tutto 125 m. maravedis " See App. xxvi. — It was

the salary fixed for that office when Vespucci was appointed, — 'See Navarrete,
iii. 178, pp. 300,301.

WOLSEY INVITES HIM TO HETURN. 139

The Pilot-Major was charged with the examination of Pilots
in the use of the Astrolabe and Quadrant, ascertaining
whether they joined theory to practice, giving certificates,
giving them instructions for which they were to pay him,
and with presiding over the construction of aPadron or model
chart, which was to be called Padron Real (Royal Model)
and to be successively corrected and improved from the in-
formation which all Pilots coming from the Indies were
obliged to submit to the Casa de Contratacion in Seville.*

The Pilot-Major resided at Seville near "La Casa de Con-
tratacion de las Indias," (Ministry of Indian affairs) established
in that city in 1503. To the ministry was annexed, though
in what year is not known, a chair of cosmography the first
occupant of which must have been Sebastian Cabot as it
would seem from the Index of Professors as given by
Navarrete.f From the king's letter to Americo Vespucci, it
appears that the Pilot-Major by virtue of his office was
"Censor of the Professor of cosmography."

Two years later, in 1520, Herrera relates a second time the
conferring of the position of Pilot-Major, but with the ad-
dition of an order of the Emperor that no pilot should go to
the Indies without the examination and approval of Cabot4
But it is not clear from his words whether this order was an
addition made in that year to the authority of the Pilot-
Major, or it referred to the duty of examining pilots in general,
inherent in the office from the beginning. From the account
of Ramusio's anonymous it would seem to refer to the gen-
eral examination, and that this charge was included in the
rights and duties of the Pilot-Major. "Do you not know," he

* ". . . y porque a los que no supieron mas facilmente lo puedan aprender vos
mandamos que les enseneis en vuestra casa en Sevilla ;i todos los que lo
quesieren saber, pagandovos vuestro trabajo." — Navarrete iii, n. 7, p. 301.

f ". . . se establicio la catedra de cosmografia y navegaclon que explicabael
cosraografo de la casa como lo hicieran Sebastian Caboto, Alonso de Chaves, Alonso
de santa Cruz." — Navarrete, Disertacion sobre la historia de la Nautica, Ma-
drid, 1846, p. 134.

X " Diose titulo de Piloto Maior a Sebastian Gaboto con orden que ningun
Piloto pasase ba las Indias sin ser primero por el examinado i aprobado."— Dec.
ii, lib. ix, cap. vii.

140 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

says, "in connection with this going to find the Indies by
the north, what was done by a Venetian citizen of yours,
who was so able and experienced in matters pertaining to
navigation and cosmography that there is not his equal in
Spain to-day, and his knowledge caused him to be placed
over all the pilots that sail to the West Indies, so that they
cannot do so without a license from him, and on this account
he is called Pilot-Major f" * But on the other hand, if it was to
be understood as a duty inherent in the office itself, why
should Herrera have made special mention of that examina-
tion and approval ? If one went with the other, when the
first was told the second would be understood, and Herrera's
repetition becomes useless. Hence I am inclined to believe
that the first examination regarded in general all those who
wished to take up the career of a pilot, and that the second
was a special examination of those pilots who leaving our
waters wanted to navigate the seas of the West Indies.

However this may have been, it is certain that Sebastian
Cabot was placed in very high and extensive authority, and this
appointment alone ought to be enough to give his name an
honorable place in the glorious band of navigators in that
age. But however high the office or important, its nature was
such as to furnish the historian with but few details to record.
The year following his appointment as Pilot-Major of Spain,
or about that time,f we find him again in England, but the
cause of his going thither is not known. On this occasion
Cardinal Wolsey, the prime minister of Henry VIII and
all powerful in English affairs, sent for him and made him
great offers if he would reenter the service of England
and make new expeditions and discoveries for her. But he
excused himself on the ground that he could not accept with-
out the permission of the King of Spain to whose service he
was bound. He would gladly do it if he had that permission.
At this time he met a Friar Stragliano Collona, a Venetian,

* Delle namgazioni et Viaggi, loc, cit. p. 414. D.

f " 24 Decembre, 1522 hor ritro^adomi ja tre anni, salvo il vero, in

Ingleterra." App. xxvi.

PROPOSALS TO VENICE. 141

for whom he entertained great friendship, and who said
to him : " Master Sebastian, you take such pains to benefit
foreign countries, forgetting your own. Might it not be pos-
sible that it also might have some aid from you ?"* These
words made a deep impression on Sebastian, who at the time
replied that he would reflect on it, and the friar coming back
to him the next day told him that he had a way of making
Venice a sharer in his navigations and could show him how
it would be greatly to his advantage. Since he could not
have done this if he accepted Cardinal Wolsey's proposal, he
wrote secretly to Spain not to give him permission to enter
the service of England, but to recall him at once to Seville,
as was done.f

Sebastian Cabot himself related these things to Caspar Con-
tarini, Venetian ambassador to Spain, and we cannot add a syl-
lable to his account or take one from it, for he is the only wit-
ness to his own words.

Still for the nonce he took no action on the new proposi-
tion, but kept reflecting on it and maturing it in his mind.
Perhaps the delay arose from the difficulty he saw in the way
of drawing Venice into the benefits of the navigation of the
New World. Meanwhile at Seville he contracted a close
friendship with a Jerome de Marin de Busignole from Ragusa
in Dalmatia, and knowing that he was about to proceed to
Venice opened himself to him under a vow of secrecy, and en-
gaged him to appear in his name before the council of Ten
and make known his intention of asking to be allowed to ap-
pear before them in person for the purpose of declaring by
word of mouth what he had in his mind.J

In September 1522 the Ragusan executed the commission.§
The Ten were in some doubt as to the seriousness of the pro-
posal, but considering it to be a matter of grave importance,
were unwilling to let it fall through. With the usual prudence
and astuteness of that famous council they warily sent in ad-

* " Messer Sebastiano vui vi ;iff;iticati cussi grandemente per far beneficio a
irenti externe non viaricordnte della vostra terra, non seria possibile cbeetiam
lei havesse qualche utilitft da vui ?" — App. xxvi.

t lb. % lb- § APP- xxv-

142 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

vance to ascertain what foundation there was for a good result
Rewarding the Ragusan for his pains with a sum of money,*
they made him write to Sebastian that it would give the Ten
pleasure to receive him. This letter they themselves sent to
the Venetian ambassador in Spain, informing him of the
matter, and intrusting him to remit it directly or by the
safest means to Cabot's hands. The ambassador was to pre-
tend to know nothing unless Sebastian himself should disclose
it, and then he was to try to learn his sentiments from his own
lips, as far as possible, and see if he had any good foundation
for his action, f

On Christmas Eve, 1522, Sebastian was at the Venetian
ambassador's house by his invitation and received the letter
in a secret conference. He changed color on reading it and
remained for some time in doubt and alarm without saying a
word.J The intrusion of a third person in what should have
been a secret between the Ragusan and himself excited a sus-
picion of treachery ; but he was soon reassured on the am-
bassador's telling him that he had been informed of the mat-
ter by the council of Ten with orders to deliver to him
the letter. The conversation was interrupted for the moment,
because the ambassador was called away, but was resumed
later in the evening and continued at great length. In this
conversation besides what we have related of Cardinal Wolsey 's
offer and the complaint of Friar Stragliano Collona and the
subsequent reflections of Sebastian Cabot, the latter also re-
lated that he had at other times thought of transferring to his

* "1522. Die 27 Septembris in Collegio intervenientibus et ballotantibus, dom-
inis Capitibus IllustrissimisConcili X.

" Chel sia imposto al Camerlengo del Consiglio nostro dei X, che deidenari
della cassa sua, dar debbi in dono ducati vinti a Domino Hieronimo de Marin
Raguseo pro bona causa.
+16

—4 Facto raandato.

—0 "ArchiviodeiFrari, Venezia, Consiglio dei Dieci, Lettere sottoscritte, Filza
N. 5, 1522."

f App. xxv.

X " Io ritiratomi con lui, li detti lalettera, lui la lesse et legiendola si mosse*
tutto di colore. Da poij letta, stete cussi un pocheto senza dirmi altro quasi
sbiggotito et dubbio." lb.

PROPOSALS TO VENICE. 143

own country of Venice the benefit of his navigations, and had
talked on the subject with the Venetian Ambassador in Eng-
land. But he says nothing of the result of this conversation,
and we have been unable to find any trace of it elsewhere.
Contarini was charged to find out from Sebastian in what
way he intended to conduct his undertaking, so as to inform
the council, and subsequently Sebastian would have been able
to appear before them in person. But Cabot replied that he
would only disclose his plan to the chief of the Ten, and for
that purpose would proceed to Venice under the pretext of
recovering his mother's dower. So far they were agreed.
But Contarini, who could not well have liked Sebastian's re-
fusal to disclose to him his secret, after admitting that the
undertaking if successful would be of very great advantage to
Venice, began to raise very serious doubts of the possibility
of success, founded on the situation of Venice in relation to
the new lands to which he would have to sail. But Sebastian
held firm to his refusal to explain, saying only "I know ; for
I have navigated all those countries, and I know it all well,"*
and again asserted that he had not accepted England's offer,
because if he had done so uno way would have remained for
Venice." Returning to the subject a few days later, Contarini
repeated the difficulties in the way of the plan, and Sebastian
cut short all discussion with these words : " And I tell you
that the way and the manner are plain. I will go to Venice
at my own expense, they will hear me, and if the plan I have
thought out does not please them, I will come back also at my
own expense, "f

After these first conversations Sebastian returned frequently
to the ambassdor's, repeating his determination to go to
Venice to perform what he had promised.^ But the others did
not show the same eagerness. Finally, on the 7th of March,
he notified the ambassador that he was obliged to suspend

* lb.

f" et io vi dico che la via ed il modo e facile. Anderd a Veuetia a mie spese,
me udirauno ne piacendoli il modo per me excogitato, io mi ritornero pur a
mie spese." lb,

% App. xxvii.

144 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

for a while his request for permission to proceed to Venice, for
fear lest it should be suspected that he intended going to Eng-
land; and that the suspension would last three months. He
urged that in the meantime a letter should be sent him from
Venice, of the same tenor as that written to the Ragusan, in
which under pretext of recovering his mother's dower they
should give him an excuse for going to speak to the Council
of Ten.* The Council of Ten with unfortunate slowness neg-
lected to answer the letter of December 31,1522, in which Con-
tarini related his conference with Cabot; and only aroused
themselves when they received the second of March 7, 1523, in
which the ambassador, after mentioning Sebastian's repeated
visits and insistance, wrote that he had requested to put off
his going to Venice for three months for safety's sake, fearing
that if he asked permission to leave at that time they would
regard it as a proof that he was going to England. That after
that period he would go to Venice. And that in the mean-
while he recommended that they should have the Ragusan
write him as they had done before urging him to proceed to
Venice to arrange his affairs. Then the council at last replied
and sent the letter in the Ragusan 's name which Sebastian had
requested.-)- The pretext for sending for him was his mother
and his aunt's dower for the recovery of which the Ragusan
said he had labored, but his personal presence was absolutely
necessary. :(: On July 26 Contarini wrote again to the Ten
saying that he had delivered to Sebastian the letter written
him in the Ragusan's name; and that he said he was still firm
in his intention and would take steps to obtain the per-
mission to leave from the Spanish Government,!

This is the last word we have been able to find on the sub-
ject. What further happened ? It may be that Sebastian
distrusted that in the length of the negotiations, the many
dispatches to and fro, something might leak out and get
to the ears of the Spanish Government, and cause him
trouble, and therefore prudently let the matter drop. If so,
Contarini, who from the first conference had manifested very

*Ib. f lb. % App. xxix. § App. xxx.

harrisse's charge of perfidy. 145

little confidence in his proposal, would certainly not have
run after him to renew negotiations. But in spite of Cabot's
protests, I think it much more probable that he was driven to
apply to Venice not so much by patriotic affection, as by his
own need, because he saw no other way of carrying out his
plans. It surely was not for the sedentary and peaceful life
of an office-holder that he went to Spain, however lucrative
and honorable the office may have been ; his heart could not
but sigh for voyages and discoveries, and must have fretted
greatly in that quiet occupation where he passed his time over
charts and examinations. In this discontented condition his
thoughts strayed to Venice, and he was pleased with the hope
that in following his patriotic affections, he might break his
chains and find an arm and a flag to carry him through the
battle of the sea. But after he had sent the Ragusan to Venice,
there returned to Spain from the Moluccas the ship, "Vic-
toria," which had taken part in Magellan's expedition ; and
this return at once aroused thoughts and plans of new expedi-
tions. * May it not have been that the hopes excited in
Cabot by this new order of things weakened his intention
of applying to Venice ? For, although he assured Contarini
that the undertaking he proposed to his native country was
easy and sure, it is impossible but he should have felt the
force of the arguments brought against it by that very learned
ambassador. f For my part, I stick to this latter explanation,
and am confirmed in it by observing the same thing occurr-
ing again, as we shall see, in similar circumstances in Eng-
land.

Harrisse calls Sebastian Cabot's plan of going to Venice
perfidious. Oh, why ? Perfidious is one who breaks faith
with another. What obligation had Sebastian Cabot towards
Spain ? That of fulfilling the duties incumbent on the office

* The Victoria returned to Spain September 8, 1522, and the Senate of
Venice on the 22nd of the same month wrote to its ambassador in Spain the offer
of Sebastian Cabot. Therefore his offer was before the return of the vessel.

f See App. xxvi. — Caspar Contarini, afterwards Cardinal, was a man of
profound and extensive learning. Peter Martyr d' Anghiera applied to him
when he met with any difficult question of geography or cosmography in writ-

10

146 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

of Pilot-Major. Did he ever fail in any of them ? Neither
Harrisse nor anybody else ever said so, or can say so. What
he offered to Venice was outside of the duty of a Pilot-Major.
It cannot even be said that the plan he proposed to Venice
originated or was in any way helped by his office of Pilot-Ma-
jor, for his idea of discovering a passage to the regions of the
East across the New World was many years prior to his ac-
ceptance of that office. Is a man of honor forbidden to make
use of the most valuable thing at his disposal ? — But Spain
would have been greatly injured ? — And what of that ? — There
is never a new invention that while the most useful for some
is not injurious to others : it is the natural order of things.
And precisely in this matter of discovery the prosperity and
wealth of Spain and Portugal mortally wounded and killed
the prosperity and wealth of Venice. If Spain broke no
moral law when for her own interests she carried off from
her ally, unwary England, the science and ability of Sebastian
Cabot, why should he be branded with perfidy in offering to his
native land the surplus of ability and science which Spain
showed no inclination to make use of ? For it is well to re-
member that Sebastian Cabot's office was purely sedentary
and none at this time had talked of employing him in navi-
gation and discovery. Indeed, at the first likelihood of his be-
ing so employed he cut off his negotiations with Venice and
was wholly at Spain's disposal.

And this is to act perfidiously !

In the course of this same year 1523, under date of Novem-
ber 16, we find 10,000 maravedis deducted from his salary as
Pilot-Major for the benefit of Maria Cerezo, widow of Am-
erico Vespucci, as had been done before from the salary of
De Solis.* The year following, at the end of May, in a note of
the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovel, K. G. we find a
memorandum of reimbursement of a certain John Goderyk,

ing his history. "Agitatus es cura," be says in one case of this kind, "conveni
gasparem Coutarinium, oratorem apud Caesarem pro sua Illustri Republica
Veneta, omni litterarum genere non mediocriter eruditum," Dec, v, 7.
*Navarrete, L. iii, Doc. xi, xiv, pp. 308, 311,

Magellan's discovery. 147

for bringing Sebastian Cabot to London at the request of the
deceased.* In the absence of all other information we can
merely record the fact.

CHAPTER XIV.

Repeated attempts to find a passage through the new lands of
America to reach the eastern shore of Asia. — Magellan. — Resent-
ment of Portugal against Spain on account of his voyage.

We have at last reached a place where we are no longer
obliged to grope our way, but may run on swiftly for a while.
But before going back to speak directly of Sebastian Cabot,
I deem it best to cast a glance around us to recognize the
place and time in which we now are. Let not the reader
take it ill if I go back a little and refresh his memory of some
things. If for a moment I leave the straight path of our
story, the short time spent will be well rewarded by the greater
clearness acquired by the things we shall afterwards say.

The problem which at this time agitated the mind of Span-
ish mariners was the same which troubled the English sea-
men's mind, to find a way across the new countries of Amer-
ica which allowed direct navigation from our regions to those
of the extreme east. But many as the reasons were which
counselled England to seek it by way of the north, Spain
had just as many to lead her to seek it instead by way of the
south.

Before Spain, the Portuguese had labored to discover a pas-
sage south of Brazil, but in consequence of the unsatisfactory

*"Item paide the XVIIth day of feb. to John Goderyk of Tory in the countie
of Cornewall drap in full satysfacon and recompense of his charge costis and
labour conductyng of Sebastian Cabott master of the Pylotes in Spayne to
London at the request of the testator by Indenture of covenauntes43s4d."

"'Expenses of the funeral of sir Thorn. Lovell, knt. of the gaiter, who died at
his manor of Essynges, in Endfield, Midlesex, 25 may 1524, paid by his ex-
ecutors." I. S. Brewer, Calendar Domestic and Foreign, Henry VIII, t. iv, Part.
i, p. 154, N. 366.

148 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

results of the expeditions of 1501 and 1503, they had
given up the thought and turned all their attention again to
the passage which the fortunes of Vasco de Gama had opened.
Thus while the Spaniards wore themselves out in looking for
a passage by which to bring the treasures of Asia across the
West Indies, the Portuguese, partly by treaties and partly by
wars, went on extending their possessions in the East Indies
and the hope of new and unheard-of wealth for their country.
Among their most distinguished officers in these conquests
was Ferdinand de Magalhaens or, as he is usually named in his-
tory, Magellan, who from the experience acquired in those
regions and the study and reflection he joined with experience,
conscious of his ability not only to leave the common herd of
officers, but also to rise to first amongst the first, returned to
Europe in the hope of obtaining from his King a mission
worthy of the gifts he felt he possessed. But his hope was
altogether frustrated. Then exasperated at his King and
country, he took himself to Spain and offered his services to
Charles V, persuading him that the Molucca Islands in the Ind-
ian Ocean over which Portugal had already extended her do-
minion, were beyond the line of partition and belonged to
Spain ; and he offered to take Spanish vessels thither, dis-
covering the passage so long sought after in the seas of South
America.

His proposal was favorably entertained and preparations
begun.

When this was known in Portugal there was great excite*
ment as at an attempt on the rights of the Portuguese Crown,
and strong remonstrance was made to the court of Spain.
Prayers and threats were tried in turn on Magellan, to calm
his resentment or frighten him into withdrawing from the en-
terprise for which he was preparing : his assassination
was even openly spoken of, saying that a perjured citizen who
attempted such injury to his country merited the crudest
death.* When all this failed, recourse was had to ridicule,
turning into jest Magellan's presumption, his dreams, and

* "y otros aconsenjavan que los matassen, porqueel negocio que tratavan, era
perjudicial a Portugal." Herrera, Dec. ii, lib. iv, cap. 10

DISPUTE BETWEEN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 149

Spain's credulity.* But this new weapon proved us blunt
as the others, and on September 20, 1519, Magellan sailed.

It is outside of our subject to relate the endless labors, the
hunger, the struggles endured by Magellan's expedition ; the
fierce energy with which he dragged after him rebellious
officers and sailors ; his death at the moment of victory ; the
rage of the Portuguese and the cruel war they made on the
weak remnant of the glorious expedition. For our purpose
it suffices to record that on September 8, 1522, more than
three years after the sailing of the expedition, the news reached
Spain that the passage to the East Indies across the
New World was found, and that the Spanish flag had
made the circuit of the globe.

But of the five ships that sailed, only the Victoria returned
to Spain, and of all the bold and hardy youths that were on
the five ships, only 18 men saw their native land again.

The losses suffered by the expedition in men and property
were enormous ; but after the discovery of the New World,
the greatest and most glorious of so many glorious enterprises,
in "those days so celebrated for the feverish activity of discover-
ies and navigations, was the finding of the much-sought pas-
sage through the American lands to those of the East, and
making the circuit all around the World. The rejoicing over
the great event prevented grief and complaint from being
heard, and the great hopes it gave of the future compensated
with interest the losses of the present. Whilst on one hand,
the fancy of adventurers, of men of letters, of all who were
interested in the glory of those discoveries, roamed on the new
broad horizons which Magellan's discovery had opened, the
greed of merchants seized anxiously on the specimens which
the Victoria brought back, and counted the vast wealth which
that discovery promised. Orders were at once given to pre-
pare a fleet for those parts, and when it sailed they set to
work to fit out another to follow it as soon as might be.f

♦"Decian los Portugueses que el Rey de Castilla perderia el gusto porque
Hernando de Magallanes era hombre hablador i de poca substancia, i que non
saldria con lo que prometia. " — Id. ib.

f " Se avia mandato, que luogo se apercibiesse una armada, y que partida

150 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

But great as was the rejoicing which the return of the Vic-
toria spread over all Spain, not less strong and loud was the
wail of sorrow throughout Portugal. Every one saw and felt
that the meddling of another Power in the treasures of those
regions was a disaster to the commerce of Portugal, the con-
sequences of which were beyond calculation. When the King
learned of the preparations making to send another fleet
to the Moluccas, he began to storm the Spanish Monarch
with remonstrances, using prayers and threats, every means
possible, to stay Spain at that first step ; and proposed
that the matter should be suspended until it was ascertained
whether the Moluccas were on this side or that of the line of
partition.*

The Emperor saw clearly what was Portugal's object in mak-
ing this proposal : it was to stop the Spaniards in their prep-
arations for the expedition, so that he might gain the time
needed to place arms and ships enough in those islands to
use force, when other means failed, and save his Kingdom
from the threatened ruin. But it was important for Charles
V, engaged as he then was in a war with Francis I, King of
France, troubled with the Reform in Germany, and constantly
threatened with revolt in Spain, not to bring on himself this
new enemy. On the other hand, the question of the right of pos-
session had been so thoroughly studied and discussed before
Magellan's proposal was accepted that he could afford to wait
calmly for the report of a commission. He therefore showed
a good face to King John's proposal, and it was agreed to re-
mit the question to a conference of competent persons nomi-

aqtiella, se pusiesse otra a punto, que la siguiesse." Hcrrera, Dec. iii, lib. vi,
cap. 5.

* "El Rey don Ivan de Portugal, que de todo era avisado, pareciendole que
se le salia de las manos, el mejor y mas rico aprovecnamiento que tenia, hizo
muchos oficios con el Hey, para que no se embiasse armada a las islas de la Es-
peceria, hasta que se determinasse a quien partenencian : y que no se le hiz-
iesse tanto dafio, como era quitarle su aprovecnamiento, ni que se diesse oca-
sion a que se mntassen los Portugueses con los Castellanos, como lo harian
topandose la una armada con la otra. . ." Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. vii, cap. v.
And Pietro Martire". . . .quo pacto cum Portugalensibus concludetur, qui se
iacturam ingentem perpessuros ex hoc negocio conqueruntur, significabimus."
Dec. v, cap. vii.

INTENDED VOYAGE TO THE MOLUCCAS. 151

nated by both sides. * The Emperor desired to associate with
the conference, a committee of some of the most esteemed cos-
mographers and geographers of his Kingdom, to aid the dis-
cussion by their advice and report to him on its progress. Se-
bastian Cabot was a member of this committee. f The conference
met in April, 1524, but as Portugal's interest was to have mat-
ters drag on as slowly as possible, there was much discussion
but no conclusion come to, till the Spanish Deputies tired of
the game determined to end it and on May 31, by a long dec-
laration with their reasons, they established Spain's right to
the Molucca Islands.^:

As soon as the declaration was received in Spain, govern-
ment and private individuals set to work eagerly to make up
for lost time. Not two months had elapsed when, on July 24,
Commander Loaysa sailed from Corunna with seven ships to
help Magellan's men who had been left in the islands of the
Ocean, and secure to Spain possession of the Moluccas.§

CHAPTER XV.

Sebastian Cabot put at the head of an expedition to the Moluccas.

While the government was supplying arms and provisions
for Loaysa's fleet, and sending it to the new possessions in the

* "Aunque el Rey conocia bieu, que esto era dilacion, para que entretanto

tuviessen tiempo los Portugueses de entrarse en las Islas y sabia que el

Rey de Portugal embiava ordenes y gente par ello, aviendo passado muchas
embaxadas, replicas de una parte a otra . . porque la voluntad del Emperador
era de conservar con el Rey de Portugal su deudo y amistad..etc." ib. cap. 5-6.

t "El Emperador.... mando yr a essa Junta a otros Cosmogrofos, y Pilotos,
maestros de hazer cartas de navegar . . . para la declaracion del sitio de las

islas que eran Sebastian Gaboto &c. . . ." Id. ib. cap. 6.— Cabot gave

his opinion in writing, jointly with Friars Thomas Duran and John Vespucci,
Americo's nephew. —See Navarrete iv, no. xxxv, p. 339. ed. 1837.

% Navarrete, ib. No. xxxvii, p. 343. -The first signature to the Declaration was
that of Fernando Columbus, son of Christopher Columbus. See also Herrera,
Dec. iii, lib. vi, cap. viii.

§ Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. vii. — Oviedo, Part ii, lib. 20, cap. 4.

152 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Indian Ocean, a company was formed and organized among
the merchants of Seville for a commercial expedition to the
same places, with all the more hope and confidence of great
profits because Cabot, whose authority as Pilot-Major was nat-
urally regarded as of the greatest weight in such matters, had
expressed the opinion that other islands besides those dis-
covered were scattered over those seas, and not less deserv-
ing of exploration than the Moluccas.* Some English mer-
chants were associated with the Spanish, among others
Robert Thorne, whose memorial to Henry VIII, urging the
search for a northern passage to Asia, has been spoken of in
our Tenth Chapter. f

To assure the success of this expedition, the merchants'
company thought of giving the command of it to the Pilot-
Major himself. £ The supreme council of the Indies approved
ot their wish, and in September gave Cabot permission to
take charge of the expedition. § Well pleased with the duty,
he at once set about making his preparations. But however
honorable the office of directing a company of merchants, it
was but ill suited to his genius as a discoverer : he felt himself
invited to storms in new seas, the anxiety of dangers unseen
by others, and the delight and glory of pointing out to the
world the discovery of new lands and peoples. He had there-
fore hardly accepted the new charge before he devoted
his whole energy to drawing the government into the enter-
prise, and from a mercantile one, as it was, to give it an en-
tirely different direction, throwing the whole weight of it on
the royal treasury, and leaving the merchants only the bur-
den of providing the necessary funds for trading.

To this end, towards the middle of September, he proceeded

* Herrera, Dec.iii, lib. iv, cap. 20. f Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 215.

^"Las muestras que la nao Victoria traxo de las especias, y otras cosas de los
Molucos, dio animo a muchos bombres de Sevilla, para solicitar a Sebastian
Gaboto, Piloto mayor del Rey a ofrecer de hazer a quel viage, prometiendo de
armarle para el." — Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. x, cap. i.

§"Speramus fore ut Sebastianus Cabot us Baccalorum repertor, cui circiter
Kal. Septembris supplicanti, ex nostri senatus auctoritate permissa est naviga-
tions perquirendae potestas, breviore tempore ac felicioribus avibus sit red-
iturus, quam Victoria navis." P. Martire d'Anghiera, Dec. vii, cap. 6. ,

THE MOLUCCAS EXPEDITION. 153

to court, and setting forth the great advantages of the coop-
eration of the merchants of Seville, he asked the government
for four ships furnished and equipped with every thing
needed.* The government approved of Cabot's views, and on
March 4, 1525, the conditions of its concurrence in the expedi-
tion were agreed on. After fixing the proportion of the ex-
penses and profits of the government and of the merchants'
company, it was settled that Cabot should have with him not
less than three ships, with authority to increase the number
to six, of the burden and crews fixed upon, and he should sail
by Magellan's Strait to the Moluccas and other islands in
those regions. From there he was to go in search of the isl-
ands of Tarshish and Ophir, of Eastern Cathay, and of
Cipango, loading at each of these places and others that he
should discover along his passage, all the gold, silver, precious
stones, pearls, and the like, that he could find, f On his re-
turn he was to sail close along the whole southern coast of the
new continent of America.^ It is unnecessary to say that
Cathay corresponds to the northern part of the modern empire
of China, Ophir and Tarshish are places mentioned in the
Bible ; from the former Solomon with his fleet brought great
quantities of gold ;§ and the latter is named in one of the

* "Quatuor navium classiculara, omnibus ad rem maritimam facientibus et
commodis tormentorum vasis paratara, ab Caesareo aerario Cabotus poposcit,
socios ait se reperisse Hispali, quae Sebilla dicitur, commerciorum omnium In-
dicorum emporio, qui sub spe magui lucri, ad classicule commeatumet caetera
necessaria, ducatorum decern millium sua sponte summam obtulerint. Ad
offerendam partecipum sociorum obligationem circiter idus septembris a nobis
dimissus est Cabotus." Id. ib.

f "... .a quatro de Marco del ano passado de mil quinientos y veynte cinco,
capitulo con el Rey en Madrid, que yria con ties navios o mas, hasta seys, por

el estrecho de Magallanes en demanda de las islas de Molucos, y de las

demas que avian sido descubiertas . . . . y ansi mismo en busca de las otras
islas y tierras de Tarsis, Ofir, y el Catajo Oriental, y Cipango para car-
gar los navios del oro, plata, y piedras preciosas, perlas etc ... . que hallasse,
assi en aquellas islas, como en otras tierras, que en el viage descubriesse. . . ."
Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. x, cap. i. E. App. N. xxxix.

t "His perlustratis et prudenti diligentia pertractatis, nostri putati contin-
entis latus australe universum abradent." Pietro Martire d'Angbiera, Dec. vii,
cap. 6.

§ "Classim quoque fecit rex Salomon misitque .... in classe ilia

154 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Psalms as a very rich place, from which men were to come with
gifts to the Messiah.*

It was long disputed among interpreters of the Bible where
these two places were situated and to what modern lands
they correspond, and the most divergent opinions were put
forward. It is enough for our purpose that both were gen-
erally placed in the east, and as imagination had greatly
worked up the wealth of those places, the desire to reach
them was one of the most cherished dreams of navigators
and discoverers. There was still greater desire to reach the
island of Cipango, "abounding with gold, pearls, and gems,"
as Paul Toscanelli, the physician, wrote to Canon Fernando
Martinez of Lisbon, "and the temples and royal dwellings
are roofed with plates of gold."+ Marco Polo had said that
this island was to be found fifteen hundred miles from Cathay.
Columbus was enraptured with delight when he thought he
had arrived there.

The departure of the expedition was set for August of
that year 1525 ; J but a serious controversy between Sebastian
Cabot anoV the merchants' company prevented it. He wanted
for his lieutenant on the expedition Michael de Runs, the
others wanted him to take Martin Mendez.§ Cabot supported
his selection by the fact that Rufis had added a caravel to
the expedition at his own expense, which seemed to give him
a claim on the second position. But the others set up the ex-
perience of Mendez, who had been commissary of subsistence

servos suos viros nauticos et gnaros maris .... Qui cum venissent in Ophir
sumptum inde aurum 420 talentorum detulerunt ad regem Salomonem. "Reg.
iii, ix, 26-28 : et 16. x. 2 . . . "Classis .... quae portabat aurum de Ophir,
attulit ex Ophir ligua thyina multa nimis et gemmas pretiosas. . . . Nont sunt
allata hujuscemodi ligna thyina, neque visa usque in praesentem diem."

* "Reges Tharsis et insula? munera offerent, reges Arabum et Saba dona
adducent." Ps. lxxi, 10.

t Fernando Colombo, Historie, cap. 8— See Tarducci, Life of Columbus, i,
p,58.

X "Est Cabotus Augusto mense proximi MDXXV discessurus," Peter
Martyr d'Anghiera, 1. c.

§ "Los Diputados de los armidores, por diferencias que con el general
avian tenido, quisieron que fuesse Martin Mendez, y no Miguel de Rufis
aquien pretendia llevar en este cargo Sebastian Gaboto." Herrera. 1. c.

DISPUTE WITH THE MERCHANTS. 155

on Magellan's expedition, and was one of the honored sur-
vivors that returned with the Victoria. This was the ap-
parent cause of the dispute, but the real cause must be looked
for in the wrath of the merchants at the new direction given
to their undertaking. We have no light by which to see in-
to the proceedings ; but from the nature of the facts them-
selves it seems to me possible to draw the conviction that the
merchants could not have felt satisfied that the expedition
should exceed the modest limits of a commercial enterprise,
within which it was first conceived, and should take on the
character and scope of a regular exploration and discovery.
And I am of opinion that they found themselves bound to
the government either by surprise or want of courage and
strength to resist. And in truth they had looked for sure
gain from the Molucca Islands, already discovered and visited;
but Cabot was dragging them on a new uncertain expedition,
all the more dangerous for the vastness of the field he pro-
posed to cover ; they were looking for gold, Cabot for
glory. In such circumstances the choice of a lieutenant
became a matter of the highest importance to the mer-
chants ; for, to let Cabot have one who would be his
tool, devoted to his will, was the same as surrendering
themselves bound hand and foot into his power, and to let
him guide and lead the expedition where and how he
pleased.

Cabot found it hard enough to hold his side of the ques-
tion, for the fact that Mendez had already gone over the
same course naturally pointed him out for the position, and
the celebrity which clung to him as one of the few survivors
of that famous expedition drew attention to him and made
his appointment acceptable to all. But he held firm, under-
standing perfectly the merchants' object, and that to take as
lieutenant a creature of theirs, was like hanging a stick be-
tween his legs to impede his journey. The dispute became
bitter, and as neither side would yield to the other, the mer-
chants, feeling that in their proposal they had the wall
against their back, applied to the Emperor. They not only
applied to him in order to win their cause in the question of

156 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

a lieutenant, but, as often happens in like cases of deep and
lively exasperation that the eye sees every thing wrong where
all was clear and fair before, the merchants loaded Cabot
with so many and so serious charges that they demanded to
have the command taken away from him altogether, and
Captain Francis de Rojas put in his place.* The sailing of
the expedition was delayed in consequence.

It was a case that required a clean cut, free and resolute,
without timidity or uncertainty ; the violent operation causes
severe pain, but at least one of the parts gets well again. To
take a middle course, and for fear of hurting one side or the
other too much, try to divide the evil in halves, and by taking
a little from one and a little from the other, hope to keep
them united, is to lose one's labor, and end with the opposite
of what was intended, for it leaves both in pain, and makes
the exasperation between them more vivid and deep.

Charles V unfortunately followed this course. He sum-
moned the deputies of the company, and showed them what
a scandal would follow the substitution of another captain in
command of the expedition, and induced them to be satisfied
with Mendez, their choice, being appointed as its lieutenant ;
and hoped to quiet Cabot in the humiliation to which he was
subjected by the enforced acceptance of Mendez, by declaring
that the latter " should only meddle with things that Cabot
put under his charge, and only represent him when absent or
unable to act, and not interfere in any other way."f

* "Los Diputados .... avian llevado al Rey un memorial, poniendotantos
defetos en la persona de Gaboto, que quando el armada no estuviera tan ade-
lante, y tuviera tanta voluntad ques aliera con brevedad, le mandara quedar."
— Herrera, 1. c.

Item si saben etc. que estando proveydo el dicho Sebastian gaboto por cap-
ital general dela dicha armada losarmadores y diputados dellaprocuraron vista
la ynavilidad y poco valor de persona suya che su magestad le quitaseel dicho
cargo y proveyese del al dicho capitan Francisco de Rojas N. 3 of the Inter-
rogatories presented by Rojas himself against Sebastian Cabot. See. App. n.
xxxv.

f "El Rey a todos los compuso, y sossego : y poniendolespor delante

el escandalo, y inconveniente que de aquella division sucederia, con que se sos-
segaron en parte .... Martin Mendez .... fue provehido por Teniente gen-
eral, con que no se occupasse, sino en las cosas que el General le cometiesse, y
estendo ausente, o impedido, no de otra manera." — Herrera, 1. c.

MENDEZ DISSATISFIED. 157

The sad effects of this arrangement were soon seen. The fleet
was at San Luear de Barrameda, only waiting for a fair wind
to set sail, when Mendez suddenly took his things and hurried
to Seville to the council of the Indies to make his complaint
and hand in his resignation. Catharine Vasquez, his mother,
in her prosecution of Sebastian Cabot years after, accuses him
of showing ill-will towards her son, treating him unfairly, and
being his enemy, not being able to endure which her son left
and went to give up his office.* But her witnesses while con-
firming Mendez's sudden departure from the ship and his go-
ing to Seville, say nothing of any bad treatment or want of con-
sideration of him on Cabot's part; although it would have been
plain to everybody and there ought to have been no difficulty
in finding witnesses. Only one of the witnesses speaks of it, and
as a thing he had heard from Captain Francis de Rojas, that is
to say, from a worse enemy of Cabot's than Mendez himself. On
the other hand it is not at all likely that Cabot would have
been imprudent enough openly to disregard the Emperor's
orders just received, and right before his eyes, for Charles V
was then at Seville, f The charge of Vasquez should then be
taken with discretion, namely, that Cabot in his state of irri-
tation against Mendez, did not hold him in that consideration
which was due to the office of lieutenant, and Mendez, irritated
in turn against Cabot, gave undue weight to this neglect, or else
arguing from this commencement what might be expected later
on, determined to provide for it at once and protect himself.
The Bishop of Osma, President of the council of the Indies,
quieted Mendez with fair words, and promising that things
should change, sent him back to the fleet.;); He then sum-
moned Cabot before him, and also Rifos, whom Cabot employed

*"....el dicho martin Mendez... .viendo la mala voluntad emal tratamiento e
obros de enemistad que le hazia el dicho Sebastian caboto y ia poca cuentas
que hazia del. se determino del bolver....e viuoaquexare quexo a los senores

presidente e oydores del Consejo Real de las yndias " Sesta Prer/unta de la

Provanga de Catalina Vasquez, madre de Martiu Mendez. — A.pp. xxxiv.

\ lb. Id. ix witness.

% lb. viii Pregunta.— Osma is a city of Old Castile in Spain, on an affluent of
the Douro.

158 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

in all matters that should have fallen to Mendez, and according
to Vasquez's charge, severely reprimanded and threatened
them, and his threats were specially severe upon Bifos if he
should interfere with the duties belonging to Mendez.* These
last words are sufficient of themselves to show how exagger-
ated is the charge made by Vasquez; for to threaten Bifos if he -
interfered with the duties belonging to the lieutenant, was the
same thing as to threaten him if he obeyed the orders of the su-
preme commander of the fleet, since it is natural that he should
interfere when and where his superior commanded ; and be-
sides, the Emperor having ordered that Mendez should only
meddle with such matters as the General gave him in charge, it
follows naturally that the General was free to give his com-
missions to others. It is also to be observed here that the wit-
nesses refer to what they had heard say by John de Junco,
who was Cabot's declared enemy, f

I see plainly that more than one reader will deem it super-
fluous to go into all these petty details, but the dearth of
documents obliges us to make the most of every thing to get
at the condition of things and minds at the time Cabot's ex-
pedition was preparing. For this purpose we must even al-
lude to another serious charge in the proofs of Catharine Vas-
quez, although not the slightest support was given it by any
witness. She says that Catharine de Medrano, Cabot's wife,
who according to the charge possessed great influence over
her husband, after vainly trying to prevent Mendez's
appointment, conceived a bitter hatred for him, and
employed a person to assassinate him.J

But much more serious for the fate of the expedition is
what Cabot himself puts in the third interrogatory of his an-
swer. He says that Mendez, Rojas, and the other principal
officers of the fleet, before sailing, held a secret meeting to-

* lb. vii Pregunta.

fPregunta xxx and following, of Sebastian Cabot's proofs in reply to the accu-
sation of Vasquez. For this hostility of John de Junco towards Cabot as also
for that of Francis de Rojas previously mentioned, the reader must be satisfied to
take my word, and wait for the proof in the proper place.

X lb. Pregunta v.

THE officers' consfiracy. 159

gether in Seville in St. Paul's church, and there bound them-
selves by an oath to unite on every occasion against Sebastian
Cabot for the purpose of depriving him of the command of
the expedition, and putting Rojas in his place. *

Of the witnesses called by him to sustain this serious charge,
one says that he had heard this secret meeting and the oath
taken by those officers spoken of in Seville even before they
sailed, and gives the name of the officer who told him of it,
but he was not informed of the object of the meeting or of the
oath, f The others all unite in testifying that the affair was
publicly talked of in the fleet, and it was said further that the
oath not only contemplated the removal of Sebastian Cabot
and the substitution of Captain Rojas in his place, but also his
murder. J

It seems hard to think that any thing so serious could be be-
lieved and publicly rumored without some basis of truth. It
may very likely have been exaggerated in the men's talk, and
reached Cabot's ears in that shape, but there must have been
something to it. If there was a meeting, and some compact
between the officers, it surely was not in Cabot's favor : this
is certain from what followed. But suppose it was a false re-
port, a calumny ; its spread amongst the men of the expedi-
tion was enough of itself to inoculate the whole with a poi-
son fatal to all discipline and good order.

*"Yten di saben questandoen la cibdad de sevilla martin mendez e francisco
de Rojas e otros muchos que yvan devaxo de la capitania del dicho Se-
bastian caboto se juntaron en el monesterio de san pablo deladicha cibdad e ay
se conjuraron de ser en todo lo que se ofresciere contra el dicho Sebastian
caboto e que querian alcar al dicho Francisco de Rojas, per capitan general."
— Tercera pregunta.

t " estando en la cibdad de sevilla antes que fuesen a sanlucar de bar-

ramedacon las dichas naos oyo dezir al contador Valdez que se juntaron el
dicho capitan Rojas e los otros capitanes y oficiales que yv;in en la dicha
armada e que avian fecho im juramento en san pablo o en san francisco de
sebilla pero que no le dixo para que ni para que no .... " ix testigo.

X For the sake of brevity I give only a few words of the tenth witness "...
yendo esto dicho testigo en la dicha armada oyo decir publicamente a la gente
de la dicha armada .... que avian fecho Francisco de Rojas e martin men-
dez.... concilio contro el dicho Sebastian caboto para le matar e alcar por capi-
tan general al dicho francisco de Rojas."

The witness was a sailor of the expedition.

160 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

This wickedness no doubt originated in the animosity of the
merchants towards Sebastian Cabot ; but it appears from the
very commencement so extensive and so deep that it cannot be
explained by that alone. They wanted, it is true, and endeav-
ored his ruin, but here are evident symptoms of the ruin and
death of the whole expedition. This the merchants could not
have intended, for it was a blow at themselves and their own
interests. We must then look elsewhere. To understand the
matter well, we must remember Portugal's alarm, when she
learned of Magellan's expedition preparing, the efforts made to
hinder its fitting out, to stop its progress, to destroy it when it
reached its goal. Then the cry of grief at the return of the Vic-
toria, the protests, complaints, prayers of the Portuguese King
that Spain would not invade the rights of his crown: in fine, his
subterfuges and craft to delay the conference and not come to
any decision. When afterwards, on the declaration of the
Spanish Delegates, Spain insisted on the recognition of her
rights and ordered the preparations for Loaysa's departure to
go on, the King of Portugal cried out and blustered, and there
was even talk of war.* Arms were not taken up, but Portuguese
diplomacy recommenced an active campaign against the
Spanish possession of the Moluccas, until at last it succeeded,
and by the treaty of 1529 brought those islands under the do-
minion of its own crown, f

If, then, Portugal continued so urgently her complaints
and negotiations, and never ceased till she had gained her
point, can we suppose that during the preparation of Cabot's
expedition she only gave vent to complaints, and not rather
used every means, tried every way, made every attempt to

*Peter Martyr d' Anghiera, Dec. vi, cap. x.

f'El Rev de Portugal. ...no teniendo por definido elnegocio dela particion..
.siempre se guexava y dezia, que era agraviado....pero viendo que el Empe-
rador continuava en armar, estando muy firme que aquellas islas caian en su
demarcacion, y que las queria gnzar bolvio allevar el negocio por otro camino,
aprovechandose de la necessidad en que vio que estava el Emperador de dineros
. .en Zaragoca a veynte y dos de Abril deste afio (1529)los mesmos Comissarios
celebraron carta de venta. . . . con pacto de retrovendendo perpetuo, por
.precio de trezientos y cincuenta mil ducados.,.." Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. v, cap.
10— Navarrete, iv, Doc. xli, p. 389

THE EXPEDITION OF 1526. 161

render it abortive ? For we must consider that if Cabot's en-
terprise succeeded, and Spain learned the advantage of pos-
sessing the Moluccas, Portugal could never hope to rid her-
self of this dangerous neighbor in the seas of India. On the
other hand, she could always hope for a good result if she
could draw matters out to a great length, and weary Spain
and the Emperor with expense and procrastination. It is there-
fore morally certain that Portugal, unequal to open warfare,
fought underhand in every possible way the expedition of
Cabot, and the most obvious and natural means was to blow
on the merchants' anger, increase the distrust and disesteem
among the officers, sow in all the seeds of envy and dislike,
and so secure the failure of the expedition.

CHAPTER XVI.

Sailing of the expedition.

At last, all difficulties vanquished, the fleet left San Lucar
de Barrameda on the 3rd of April, 1526, and put to sea.*

The season, it is true, was not far enough advanced to be
favorable for the voyage they were to make ; but one of the
seamen left in the Moluccas by Magellan's expedition hav-
mg by great good fortune succeeded in gaining the shores of
Europe, returned to Spain with the news of the cruelties
practised by the Portuguese on the wretched survivors of
that expedition and of their capture of the Trinidad. This
news caused the order to sail to be given at once, in order to

* "Despues de muchas dificultades, partio Sebastian Gaboto a los primeros
de Abril, de este ano, 1526." Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. ix., cap. 3.

The exact date of sailing is given in the narrative of Lewis Ramirez—
"Salieron de la bahia deSan Lucar a 3 de Abril." See App. xxxvii.

162 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

carry provisions and reinforcements to those remaining on
the islands.*

Sebastian Cabot commanded the flagship, with Francis de
Concha in charge of accounts and Fernando Calderon as
Treasurer. The Santa Maria del Espinar was commanded
by Gregory Caro, who had with him Michael Baldes as chief
of accounts and John de Junco as Treasurer. The third ship
was called the Trinity, and commanded by Francis de Kojas
with Anthony Montoya chief of accounts and Gonzalo Nunez
de Balboa for Treasurer. Michael de Runs commanded his
own caravel. Caspar de Ribas was chief constable of the fleet.
Many noble youths and persons of quality took part in the
expedition as volunteers. Amongst these Herrera places
Michael de Rodas, whose name in the course of our story
will acquire a sad importance, and of whom the Spanish his-
torian says that he was very experienced in matters pertain-
ing to the sea, and a man of worth, and that he went on
board by the King's order but without any office, f But in
the suit between Sebastian Cabot and Catharine Vasquez he
is repeatedly mentioned, and generally as pilot of the flag-
ship, from which we must presume that Herrera was mistaken,
or else that he assumed the duties of pilot during the voy-
age.:); In another place further on Herrera calls him a brother
of Francis de Rojas captain of the Trinidad ; and as the two
surnames are always distinct and different not only in Her-
rera, but throughout the suit that was afterwards brought
against Sebastian Cabot by the mother of Martin Mendez, we
must conclude that if they wrere brothers they were only so on

*"y porque en esta ocasion llego un marinero, de los que avian estado en los
Moluchos, y riferio el maltratamiento que avian kecho los Portugueses a los
Castellanos, y los pocos que avian quedado, y como avian tornado la nave
Trinidad, se solicito con mas cuydado la partida de Sebastian Gaboto, por que
los f uesse a soccorrer — "Herrera, I. c.

f'Fueron tambien en ella muchos bijosDalgo, y personas principales volun-
tariamente . . . . y Miguel de Rodas, queaunque muy platico a las cosas de la
mar, y bombre de valor ; no ilevava oficio, porque yva por orden del Rev — "
Herrera, ib.

\" Yten si saben quel dicbo Sebastian caboto enbio a miguel de Rodas piloto
de la nao capitana. ..." Pregunta vi ; and twice again in the vii and viii.

GOMARA AND HERRERA. 163

the mother's side, not on the father's.* The whole number
of persons was two hundred, f

On sailing each commander of a ship received a sealed
packet containing orders for succeeding to the command
of the fleet in case of Cabot's death. When they were to be
opened we know not, but from the nature of the orders we
should suppose as soon as they were at sea.

Francis de Rojas was named first, then came Michael
de Rodas, and Michael Mendez third,;): then followed other
names. "It is difficult," Biddle justly remarks, "to imagine
a scheme better fitted to nurse disaffection. "§ Cabot's death or
his retirement for whatever cause, from command of the fleet,
must ever stand as an attractive prospect before the fancy of
the privileged persons whose names were inscribed on that
list. There were three government ships, and it is natural that
in case of the death or disability of the commander of the flag-
ship one of the other two captains should succeed to the com-
mand of the fleet. Indeed the secret orders assign the com-
mander of the Trinidad, Francis de Rojas, to the succes-
sion. But if he failed, it was not the commander of the Santa
Maria who was to take the place ; he came eleventh on the list,
after the chief constable, after all the treasurers, the chiefs of
accounts of the ships, even those of his own ship, Santa
Maria del Espinar, who passed over the Captain's head. Was
it accident, mistake, or was it intended ? Let us hasten to say
that Captain Gregory Caro put at the bottom of the list, at
the tail of his own subalterns, steadfastly maintained his
loyalty to Sebastian Cabot ; how he was treated by the privi-
leged officers who were to succeed first to his office, we shall
soon see.

And now before commencing the sad story of the events

One witness to the vi Pregunta of the Probanca of Vasquez; *'oyo decir . .
que miguel de Rodas piloto mayor de la dicha armada .... etc "

* "Los dos hermanos Roxas y Martin Mendez." Herrera, Dec. 18, lib. ix, cap. 3.

t This number is given in a letter of Dr. Affonso Simao, the King of Port-
ugal's agent in Spain. We shall give the letter in full further on.

X Herrera, ib.

§ Biddle, bk. i, ch. xviii, p. 133, -^ . - -

164 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

which follow, I must inform the reader beforehand, that we are
in a most unfavorable position for understanding and judging
Sebastian Cabot's conduct. * His friend Peter Martyr D'
Anghiera was dead ; and the only two historians left who
speak of Cabot, are Gomara and Herrera. Gomara published
his work in 1552 at a time when as we shall see further on, all
Spain was loading Cabot's name with reproaches and male-
dictions ; and he dedicated his history to Charles V who just
at that time was at the height of his anger at Cabot. Herrera
lived later, but was still too close to that period to be able to
strip himself wholly of that animosity not altogether blamable,
which his compatriots had towards Cabot, and the information
he furnishes us is taken in great part from the writings and
memoirs of Sebastian's enemies. Add to all this that it is
very little they tell us about him, and that little is generally
so vague that it is difficult to gather its precise meaning and
bearing. Take for example the way in which Herrera relates
the events of the expedition from the day when it sailed from
the shores of Spain till its arrival at the isle of Patos on the
coasts of Brazil : "Sebastian Cabot wras sailing to the Canaries,
and the Cape Verde Islands, and then to Cape St. Augustine
and the island of Patos, and near the Bay of All Saints
he ran against a French ship and according to the opinion of
the most practised seamen he did not conduct himself On
that voyage as a sailor of experience, nor even as a good
captain, for he ran short of provisions from badly distributing
them ; and as some minds remained dissatisfied about the
Seville quarrels, and he took small pains to pacify them,
there arose murmurs, and insolences in the fleet on account of
the navigation and command ; and so he arrived at the island
of Patos greatly pinched with hunger."f

* " while there exist so many causes for misunderstanding Cabot's conduct,
and motives for misrepresenting it, the writer, unfortunately, whose state-
ments have since been adopted, almost without question, prepared his history
under circumstances little inclining him to impartiality." Biddle, Memoir.

\ " fue navegando a las Canarias, y a las Islas de Cabo Verde : y despues al
Caho de San Agustin, y a la isla de Patos : y cerca de la Bahia de Todos
Santos, se topo con una nave francesa, y segun la opinion de los mas platicos
hombres de mar, non se guverno en esta navegacioa, como marinero de espe-

OTHER DOCUMENTS. 105

Biddle calls attention to the vagueness of this account which
he observes is characteristic of falsehood. * It is indeed
strange that an historian over-abounding in details like Her-
rera. should be so sparing in his account of a matter of so
much importance, and c&ndense in a single period so many
different matters, leaving the reader wholly at a loss to find
any thing out, or see clearly what occurred. Here we com-
plain of his vagueness ; we shall have more than one occasion
to find fault with his open partiality in narrating and in judg-
ing facts, not to say his falsehood and injustice.

This injury can be partially repaired by the testimony of
contemporary documents which we have succeeded in obtain-
ing. But these are unfortunately of little use, and although
enough to put in a good view the figure of Cabot, which
confined to the shade left us full of doubt and suspicion, they
are not sufficient for a full and calm judgment either of events
or of the persons who took part in them.

These documents are 1. The heads of accusations presented
against Cabot by Catharine Vasquez, mother of Lieutenant
Martin Mendez, then deceased ; 2. Those presented by Francis
de Rojas captain of the ship Trinidad ; 3. Sebastian Cabot's
answer or defense ; 4. The Depositions of the witnesses sum-
moned by both sides on the trial ; 5. The letter sent from La
Plata during the same voyage by Lewis Ramirez who^took
part in if ; 6. The Requisition or Demand that Sebastian Ca-
bot caused to be made on Francis de Rojas through the me-
dium of Diego Garcia ; 7. The narrative of his voyage made by
Diego Garcia who met Sebastian Cabot on the Plata : To
these we shall add a letter of Dr. Affonso Simao to the King
of Portugal, and another letter from Cabot himself to John de
Samano secretary of the Emperor Charles V. f

riencia, ni aim comobuen Capitan; porque le faltola vitualla, porser mal repar-
tiria : y como por las diferencias de Sevilla, ivan algunos animos mal satis-
fechos, y el tuvo poco cuydado en sossegarlos, nacieron murmuraciones y
atrevimientos en el armada, por causa de la navegacion, y del govierno ; y assi,
lleiro a la isla de Patos, con mucha hambre." Herrera. Dec. iii, lib. ix,' cap. 3.
*" The whole passage has that air of vagueness so characteristic of false-
hood." Biddle, i, xix. p. 137, note.

f Dr. Simao's letter was published by Varnhagen in the'Eistoria Geral do

166 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

The fleet was hardly at sea before Cabot set Lieutenant
Martin Mendez altogether aside, and in every thing belonging
to his office made use of the services of Michael Rifos or, if he
was unavailable, of Fernando Calderon. This is the ninth
charge brought against Cabot by Mendez's mother, and all the
witnesses confirm it, nor does he in any way contradict it in
his answer.* We must therefore hold it for true, and blame
Cabot for having looked out very badly for his own future and
for that of the expedition. That he believed he could put no
trust in Mendez's loyalty is easily comprehended; but without
putting him altogether aside, he might have reserved the more
delicate matters for Rifos, and employed his lieutenant in the
others. Humiliating and degrading him only added fresh fuel
to enmities already fierce and powerful, and gave a hold to his
enemies for increasing the murmurs and hostility. He ought
not to have forgotten that there was a strong party in the fleet
leagued with Mendez, and the mortal offense he gave his
lieutenant would produce a counterblow in the mind of all
those that sided with him. In this way the expedition, already
menaced in its juncture, received a new shock sufficient to dis-
solve it altogether. Had Cabot acted otherwise, either Mendez
would have laid aside some of his ill-will and calmed down,
which would have been a great gain for the success of the
expedition; or else he would have continued implacable in his
hostility to his Captain, and then the latter would not have
wanted opportunities to take him at fault, and then strike his

Brazil, Madrid, 1854, p. 486— See App. xli.— The letter of Ramirez was"pub-
lished by tbe same Varnhagen in the Bevista Trimensal, Rio Janeiro, 1852.
T. xv.

Unfortunately I have not been able to procure this Review, and for the let-
ter of Ramirez I have been obliged to content myself with a summary which
was courteously sent me from Spain. Luckily the summary is tolerably full
and embraces all the material part of the narrative. See App. xxxvii.

The excessive length of the papers in suit has rendered it impossible for me
to give them all in the appendix: I shall however give as exact and faithful a
summary of them as it is possible for me to do. The same reason of their length
though in a less degree,has dissuaded me from reproducing in full the Interroga-
tories of Captain de Rojas, the demand made on him by Diego Garcia, and the
narrative or Derroterio [Itinerary] of the same Garcia. I shall give the entire
summary of Ramirez's letter just as it was sent me from Spain.

* See. App. xxxiv.

cabot's want of policy. 167

blow, and remove him by an exercise of justice apparent to
all. By this means the rigor of his justice would have im-
proved the discipline of the crew and increased their esteem.
Instead of that, he lowered himself in the opinion of every
one, and gave his enemies the appearance of being in the
right, and by furnishing them an opportunity for spread-
ing the discontent in the ships, made it easy for them to win
proselytes to their side. He did not even gain any thing
in the security of his command by displacing Mendez
so long as the other officers, tainted with the same pitch as
Mendez, retained their respective commands, especially Rojas
who was the first of all the officers after Cabot.

The ships stopped at the island of Pal ma in the Canaries
to take in the necessary supplies for continuing the voyage ;*
and here further symptoms and causes of the latent dissolution
of the expedition were immediately manifested.

Cabot in his answer to the charges in the suit under the
fourth head, says that on this island, those who had met in con-
spiracy in St. Paul's of Seville, met again for the same purpose
in the house of Alonzo de Santa Cruz who was one of the In-
spectors for the merchants' company. Of the witnesses pro-
duced, one testifies that Santa Cruz was lame in one leg, and he
often saw the persons mentioned by Cabot go in and out of his
house, but cannot say whether those visits were on account of
his sickness or not. It is very possible that they were visits of
friendship on account of his illness, and yet their talk turn-
ing, as was natural, on their relations with Cabot, whom they
hated, may not have had for its direct and sole purpose the
renewal of the bonds and oaths of their union. But even
if they were not real meetings for conspiracy, they were be-
lieved so by all the men in the expedition. On this point the
witnesses called by Cabot all agree : they do not know whether
those meetings were directed against Cabot or not, but they
were publicly looked upon among the crews as conspiracies
against the commander of the expedition, and publicly spoken
of as such.f

*Narrative of Lewis Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

t The witnesses' words are all in this tone :"IX testigo.— Dixo que no sabe

168 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Whether it was the result of what was agreed on at these
meetings or a thought originating in Martin Mendez's mind,
the latter prepared a writing to send to the Emperor notifying
him of the manner in which Sebastian Cabot was conducting
the expedition. But Cabot was on the watch for what his ene-
mies did and said, and by means of the trusty Rifos sequestered
the letters of Mendez and all others that wrote to Spain, in or-
der to assure himself of their contents. * According to the charge
of Rojas, he did the same thing at several other times on the
voyage,f and with our present customs and way of thinking,
this would be a very serious matter, and severely to be con-
demned ; but it was differently looked on in the days of Se-
bastian Cabot, and to appreciate it at its true value we must
put it in connection with the idea of his time.

So far as appears, among the ill-advised sealed instructions
which the government gave Cabot, there was one requiring
him to inform the Captains at the island of Pal ma of the
course he intended to take on the voyage. Upon this injunc-
tion, as Cabot said nothing, Rojas accompanied by the others
appeared before him and demanded in right of the royal orders
to know what course he intended to follow. Cabot tried to
evade giving a direct answer, saying that he had had an
understanding with the sovereign as to what he was to do : but
Rojas, who was not a man to be imposed on by such answers,
insisted on his right ; yet Cabot held firm and would tell
nothing.^ The witness who confirms this charge of Rojas

otracosa desta pregunta mas de quanto dixo que oyo decir en la dicha ysla de

lapalma y en la dicba armada que loscapitanesy oficiales se avian juntado

en casa del dicho santa crux veedor por los dichos armadores e quelo oyo decir
a mucbas personas de la dicha armada publicamente."

*Probanca de Catalina Vasquez, Pregunta xix. — Rojas, Interrogatory No. vi.

f Rojas, lb. ib.

X " . . . . el dicho Capitan francisco de Rojas juutamente con los otros
capitanes de la dicha armada, visto como el dicho Sebastian gaboto no quesia
dar ni dava la dicha derrota como por su magestad le hera mandado le pidieron
que se las diese . . . y respondio que su magestad y el se entendian muy bien

" In continuation Rojas puts in Cabot's mouth an insolence towards the

Emperor, but the thing is too unlikely in the person who would have said it,
aud in the circumstances in which it would have been said. —Interrogatory . .
. . by Captain Francis de Rojas, No. v.

HE SAILS TO BRAZIL. 1G9

adds that Cabot, to quiet the Captains' inquiries gave them
the course as far as the Capo Verde Islands, but as his dep-
osition is somewhat confused and not very reliable, I adhere
to the single account of Rojas.

From the Canaries the fleet sailed to the Cape Verde Islands,
and from there to Cape St. Augustine in the Province of
Pernambuco in Brazil. Rojas at this place accuses Cabot of
having changed a quarter in the direction of their voyage on
leaving the Cape Verde Islands, which, he says was the cause
of their touching at Cape St. Angustine.* I confess I do not
see the force of this charge, for I find others keeping the
same course that Cabot took then, they sailed from Spain to
the Canaries just as he did, from the Canaries to the Cape
Verde Islands, and from these to Cape St. Augustine in the
Province of Pernambuco. f Diego Garcia, who led another
Spanish expedition to the regions of La Plata, and of whom
we shall have more to say anon, did the same thing that
same year.J This Garcia, so far from being friendly to
Cabot, was rather his slanderer, and twice accuses him of in-
capacity in navigation on this same voyage from the Cape
Verde Islands to Cape St. Augustine. The first time he
accuses him of not knowing how to choose the proper sea-
son for the voyage, "because," he says, "every navigator
and pilot wTho wrants to sail to these parts must know enough
to sail at the time when the sun makes summer there ....
and Sebastian Cabot with all his astrology did not know enough

* Interrogatory, No. VII, "Item si saben que por su mal navegacion y govierno
en el paraje de las yslas de cabo verde mudo una quarta de nuestro viage por
la qual dicba quarta asi tomada fuymos a dar en el cabo de sant agustin e
provincia de pernambuco.7'

t [It seems to me that Rojas is complaining that Cabot went to St. Augustine
at all ; and not that it was bad navigation to sail thither by way of the Canary
and Cape Verde Islands. Cabot's destination was the islands in the Molucca
Passage, and his course lay around Cape Horn or through Magellan's Strait,
but by shaping his course too far to the west he came to Cape St. Au-
gustine instead of keeping to the east of it on his way south. I presume
Cabot must have altered his course for the purpose of taking in supplies in
Brazil. —Translator.]

% "Desda ysla de buena vista herimos vela en la buelta y demanda del cabo
de San Agostin . . . ." Relacion y derrotero de Diego Garcia. Vid. App. xxxviii.

170 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

for that."* In making this accusation, the vain and conceited
Garcia, as he will be proved further on, did not say or
did not know that Sebastian Cabot's departure from Spain was
hastened by the bad news received from the Moluccas. In
fact, Peter Martyr tells us that the sailing of the expedition
was fixed for August 1525, precisely for the purpose of taking
advantage of the favorable season for that voyage,f and after
the sailing had to be suspended for that year on account of
the disagreement with the merchants, there is no doubt but
what the following year also they wTould have waited for the
same season, for without Diego Garcia's teaching, it was well
known in Spain what was the proper season for sailing to the
southern parts of the New World. $

Soon after this the presumptuous Garcia turns again to bite
Cabot, but the meaning of that bite is an insoluble enigma.
Speaking of the crossing from the Cape Verde Islands to Cape
St. Augustine, he notes the difficulty of sailing in the currents
that flow from the Gulf of Guinea, and adds : " Sebastian Cabot
did not know how to take these currents, for he was not a
sailor, and did not know how to navigate. "§ Having said
this, without adding any motive or reason in support of his
charge, he resumes the thread of his narrative and goes on to
describe his voyage.

nor nual quier nave-ante e piloto que ha de navegar en aquellas
partes "a'de conoscer de navegar en el tiempo que el sol haga verano en
aquella parte . . . . v esta navegacion non supo tomar Sebastian gaboto con
toda bii astrolugia. . . . " ib. [Verano, summer in modern Spanish ; but spring
in old Spanish. Translator.]
f « Est Cabotus Augusto mense proximi anni MDXXV discessurus. Dec.

vii, cap. 6. . ..

\ Peter Martyr after saying that Sebastian Cabot was to sail in the month
of August, thus continues : "nee citius quidem, quia nee prius queunt ad rem
tantam necessaria parari, nee per eelorum cursus debet prius illud iter inekoan .
oportet quippe tunc versus equinoctium vela dirigere, quando sol estatem
nobis et dierum londtudinem ablaturus, ad antictones penetrare incipiat.
Quo tempore brevissimi sunt apud populos arctoas dies, longissimos Ca-
botus assequetur." App. xxxiii.

$" ... este camino se ha de navegar con grande resguardo y saber de mar-
ineria porque ay grandes corrientes que salen delos rrios de guinea que abaten

los navios estas corrientes no supo tomar Sebastian Gaboto porque no era

marinero ny sabia navegar."

THE STAY AT PERNAMBUCO. 171

I have already said in another place, but it seems well to
repeat it here, that I stop to gather all such trifling details,
because in the scarcity of more serious documents I think it
necessary to treasure up every thing that shows the circum-
stances Cabot was in, and how he was surrounded by enmity
and aversion.

They reached Pernambuco in the month of June, and stayed
there for fresh supplies.* Thence the ships resumed their
voyage, but contrary winds drove them back to the harbor,
and for three or four times that they renewed the attempt,
they were compelled to yield every time to the fury of the sea
and seek shelter from the land.f This forced stay lasted
more than three months. J

At Pernambuco there was a Portuguese factory, and Rojas
under the VII and VIII heads of his Interrogatories makes
this further accusation against Cabot, that these Portuguese, to
divert the Spanish expedition from sailing to the Moluccas,
got around him telling him marvels about the riches of La
Plata, and that he hankering after that gold suddenly resolved
to give up the voyage to the Moluccas and stop on that river ;
and for this purpose he began to scheme with some persons in
the expedition in order to draw them into his plan. He goes
on to say that he opposed the change with all his might, in
order to keep his oath, and because he saw the aim of the
Portuguese, and on this account Cabot, not being able to over-
come his opposition, had him arrested. §

Rojas was blinded by his hate for Cabot (the motives and

* Lewis Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

t Proofs of Sebastian Cabot, Interrogatory xiii. The witnesses are unanimous
in confirming this. I cite as samples a few words of the first witness and of the
eighth. The first says : "Sabe ques verdad lo contenido en la dicha pregunta e
lo sabe porque vio hacer a la vela tres o qnatro vezes a la dicha armada para
llevar el dicho viaje de tarsys e ofir e porque vio ansymismo quel tiempo les
hera contrario e que por esto surgio en la costa del brasyl en hernanbuco" . . .
and the eighth . . . . " el dicho capitan caboto mando que las naos fuesen su

viaje . . . . e fue forcado .... surgir en la dicha costa adonde esto-

vieron con viento contrario tie meses y medio poco mas o menos."

% lb. Interrogatory xiv. The ten witnesses called all unanimously confirm
the Interrogatory in their deposition.

g See App. xxxv.

172 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

proofs of which we shall soon see), and in the blindness
of this hate, he did not see that he was asserting some-
thing wholly incredible. For who could believe that a man
who from the love of discovery, postponing all thought of
gain, would have had the nature and aim of the expedition
changed, and from commercial which it was, had altered its
purpose and object to exploration and discovery, and thereby
drawn on himself the unrelenting war of those who fitted the
expedition out : — who could believe that such a man, not at
the first sight of gold but at the mere promise of it, would
suffer himself to be suddenly dazzled, and resolve at once to
change the nature of the expedition, and to the brilliant con-
tests in the unknown waters of the Ocean should prefer the
inglorious labor of groping about in new lands of savages in
search and gathering of gold ? And would not the suspicion
that the Portuguese were talking for the purpose of hindering
the passage of the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas, which
Rojas says presented itself to his mind, not present itself spon-
taneously not only to Cabot's, but to every one's else ?

But why should Rojas have so impudently distorted the
truth ? Because a charge of insubordination and treachery
hung over his head, and it was too much for his advantage to
appear to his judges as a victim of his zeal for the honor
of Spain and his loyalty to the Emperor's orders. Nor was
he a man to hesitate at a lie to gain his end. — Of this too
we shall have the clearest evidence further on. — Moreover his
remark is not only contradicted by the intrinsic arguments of
the deed itself, it is openly belied by the authority of Ra-
mirez an eye witness and impartial relator of that voyage.*
And Rojas himself shows that it is false and calumnious,
for, as happens when passion rules the mind, wishing to give
proof of what he asserted, he was not aware that the reasons
he presented bore the visible imprint of falsehood. He con-
cludes his accusation by saying that Cabot decided on the
change "more from want of courage than desire of wealth." f
Sebastian Cabot afraid of the sea ! The man who first

* See App. xxxvii. f"Mas Por falta de ammo que por Riqueza."No. 7.

173

touched the frozen shores of Greenland, first penetrated into
Hudson's Bay, whose courage and hardihood terrified even his
own mariners !

But Rojas does not stop here. In the fury of his attack he
attempts a more grave and terrible charge, saying that Cabot
even tried to have him put to death. His words are : "A few
days after that, the said Sebastian Cabot continuing in his
hate and deadly enmity against the said Francis de Rojas, and
seeing that he more than any one else asked and advised that
they should follow the voyage which was ordered by His Maj-
esty, to carry out his evil intention more freely he resolved to
have the said Captain Francis de Rojas treacherously mur-
dered, and to put it in execution he had two armed men at
certain times in his room to stab him, and as he could not put
it into effect, God not permitting such great wrong and
treason, in order that per fas or per nefas his damnable
intention might have effect, he issued process against him,
without hearing him or giving him a copy of it, suborning
witnesses to depose falsely against the said Captain.*

Rojas has charged Cabot with so many accusations evidently
false and calumnious, that without fear of offending truth
we might set this accusation also down amongst the calum-
nies without further inquiry. But as the slightest appear-
ances suddenly assume the substance of great realities to minds
over-excited by passion, I am willing to admit that either de-
ceived by the creations of his own fancy, or seduced by the
false suggestions of some evil spirit (for a brood of such always
gathers around a mind agitated by violent passion), — I am
willing to admit that he really believed in the truth of

*". . .desdes a poco dias continuando el dicho Sebastian gaboto en el odio y en-
emistad capital que contra el dicho francisco de Rojas tenia y visto como el
mas que todos le requeria e aconsejaba que siguiese el viaje que por su niages-
tad le hera mahdado para mas libremente cumplir su mala voluntad acordo
de hacer matar a traycion al dicho capitan francisco de Rojas-y para ponerlo
en efecto tuvo dos personas armadas ciertas veces en su camara para que lo
matasen a pucaladas e como no pudo efectuar no permitiendo Dios tan grand
maldad y traycion porque por fas o por nefas su dagnada voluntad aviese
efecto hizo proceso contra el sin le oyr ni dar traslado sobornando testigos para
que depusiesen falsamente contra el dicho Capitan. ..." No. ix.

174 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

an intended assassination. For Cabot's complete acquittal
it suffices for the present to say that the only witness called
by Eojas in support of the fact, could give the judges
no other proof than this, that a certain person had told
him that he with another had been employed by Cabot
to kill Eojas. And this witness who so deposes, very rarely
departs a hair's breadth from Eojas's accusation, but repeats it
often entirely in the same words, even in the case of those ac-
cusations which other proofs and testimony show clearly to
be false and calumnious.* However, the course of the nar-
rative will furnish direct proof that Eojas was lying impu-
dently when he accused Cabot of having at Pernambuco
yielded to the wheedling of the Portuguese, and consequently
his vaunted opposition to the alteration of the scope of the ex-
pedition falls to the ground. The real truth is that the fac-
tion hostile to Cabot had derived great advantage from the
long stay at Pernambuco in ease and idleness. The possibil-
ity of gathering together from the different ships gave oppor-
tunity and incentive for communicating their ideas, favoring
one another's proposals, gaining new partisans, and maturing
plans. Mendez and Eojas were the recognized leaders in
this movement of insubordination and mutiny, and it may be
that becoming bold from the number and zeal of their follow-
ers, they did not go so cautiously to work as the dangerous-
ness of the affair required. Hence Cabot, who always kept
his eye on them, when he deemed he had a sufficient hold on
them, came down on them unexpectedly, seized their papers,
and imprisoned them both.f It is not possible for us at this

* " Oyodecir a Alonso bueno. . . . quel dicho Sebastian Gavoto lo tubo a el
e a francisco casar ala puerta di su camara aparcebidos para dar de pucalados a
Francisco Rojas." — See App. xxxv.

t Yten sy saben quel dicho Sebastian Caboto estando surto en pernambuco
sobre la dicha costa del brasyl mando prender a losdichos Francisco de Rojas
e a Martin mendez por los juramentos e motines que avia hecho e de cada dia
hazia contra el dicho Sebastian caboto. — Probanca de Sebastian Caboto, xv
Pregunta.

For Rojas, see also his ix, x, and xi Interrogatories ; for Mendez, the x Interrog-
atory of the Proofs presented by his mother Catharine Vasquez against Cabot.

Rojas speaks of this new seizure of his letters at Pernambuco in his vi Inter-
rogatory when charging that previous seizure at Palma Island,

KOJAS AND MENDEZ AKKESTED. 175

distance of time, and without the necessary documents, to de-
cide whether in this arrest Cabot acted with all the prudence
required in so important a matter ; but we can safely declare
that he was incredibly imprudent and unwary in his conduct
after the arrest. He immediately began inquiries on all sides
for proofs of their guilt and the treachery : then, after keeping
them for some days confined on board the Santa Maria com-
manded by Caro, whether because the results of the inquests
did not show sufficient grounds for continuing this severity
towards them or because he hoped by a proof of kindness to
bring them to better sentiments, he sent to release Rojas, and
bring him to his ship, where he rebuked him in a friendly
way for his conduct, and made him see the danger he brought
upon himself personally and on the whole expedition, and ex-
pressing confidence that in the future he would give no cause
for suspicion or complaint, sent him to his own ship and re-
stored him to duty. In this release there is no mention
made of Mendez, but no doubt he was included, as we find him
likewise at liberty in the sequel.*

It was a grave error to proceed to the arrest of Mendez and
Rojas unless he was almost certain to show clearly their guilti-
ness ; to set them free after being arrested, and what is
more, to restore Rojas to his former rank and command,' was
an error so grave that it is a wonder that a man like Cabot
should make it. To believe that a resolute, energetic, proud man,
as every thing indicates that Rojas was, should let himself be
affected, if guilty, by a proof of kindness, was on the part of
Cabot unparalleled ingenuousness. For men like that to feel
under obligations to an enemy is not a motive for friendship
and concord, it is a prick to move fierce hate : the duty of
gratitude is a burden which weighs intolerably on their heart
and they can feel no peace till they rid themselves of it, and the

* Yten si saben que antes que el dicho Sebastian eaboto se partiese de pernam-
buco que es en la dicha costa del brasyl embio al dicbo francisco de Rojas a la
nao trenidad y lo torno en su oficio de capital) como de antes lo hera e le a-
monosto de parte de su magesta que fuese leal e que serviese bien e Iealmene a su
magestad. XVI Pregunta de laProbancade Seb. Caboto, App. xxxvi. See also
Nos. X and XI of the Interrogatory of Francesco de Rojas, App. xxxv.

17G THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

only way they can do that is by exterminating the enemy
who in addition to all the rest, humiliates them with the bur-
den of gratitude.

But it could not have been out of tenderness of heart that
Cabot released Eojas : it was more likely for want of sure evi-
dence of his guilt to enable him to strike with every appear-
ance of justice. This was a much more serious matter ; for
some natures are so weak that they count themselves lucky
if they can get clear of an accusation in which they are more
or less truly entangled, and cautiously preserve a prudent
silence for fear of worse ; but high-spirited natures like Rojas
the more they feel implicated in an accusation from which
they escape by the height of good fortune make all the more
noise, complain of surprise and injustice, protest their inno-
cence before God and men, and call themselves victims of the
abuse of power. In the XI interrogatory of his charge, he
calls witnesses to declare whether it was said on the ships that
Cabot "kept him imprisoned on account of false reports made
about him, and as it was just that if he was guilty he should
not be let go without receiving the chastisement he deserved,
he demanded that if he had in any wise offended against the
service of His Majesty and the good order of the said fleet he
should be punished for it without mercy, and if not, in the
name of God and His Majesty he demanded the chastisement
of those detractors who had deposed falsely against him
as they were the persons who had sown tares of discord in the
said fleet.*

In this manner the enmity of the opposite party was blown
into a flame, and in the opinion of men in good faith the
good name of Cabot was injured and the authority of that of
Rojas increased.

*" Yten si . . . . yo dire publicamente .... come el dicho Sebastian gaboto
me avia tenido preso por falsa relacion que de mi le avian hecao y que pues hera
tan justo que si yo tubiera culpa no me soltara sin dar el castigo que por ella
merecia que le Requeria que si el aviese ecedido en alguna cosa contra el servicio
de su magestad y buen aviamento de la dicha armada le castigase syn perdo-
narle cosa alguna y donde no que de parte de Diosy de su magestad le Requeria
castigase a las personas y detratores que contra el falsamente avian depuesto
Dues herau cabsa de meter discordia e zizafla en la dicha armada . . . . "

LOSS OF THE FLAG-SHIP, 177

CHAPTER XVII.

Continuation of the Voyage.

They left Pernambuco on the 29th of September. * When
they reached the latitude of Cape Faro they were struck by a
violent storm in which the flag-ship lost her small-boat.
Arriving at a place that promised shelter for the ships with a
mountain near by with plenty of timber for building, they
stopped there for the purpose of replacing the lost boat.f
The place is the same that was afterwards called the Bay of
Saint Catharine, in 27c 35' S. L., the name then given to it
by Sebastian Cabot, + But where they expected to repair a
great loss, they encountered another still greater and irrepar-
able. At the entrance of the bay rise three small islands, and
the ships made for the channel which runs close to the largest
of them, called St. Catharine, by the same name as the bay.
Cabot, apprehensive on account of their ignorance of the
place, and the lightness of the wind, had ordered them to stop ;
but Michael Rodas and Anthony de Grajeda, one the pilot,
the other master of the flag-ship, insisted that it was possible
to go ahead ; Rodas even pledged his own head and his com-
panion's if the ship was lost.§ But Cabot's fears were not over-
come by their assertion, and he ordered soundings to be taken

' "Al poco tiempo de baber salido de esie puerto (29deSetiembre) sufrcron
etc." Ramirez. See App. xxxvii.

t lb and the vi Interrogatory which will be given in full very soon in a note.
All the witnesses testify unanimously in confirmation of what it contains.

{"Salieron deste puerto que llamaron St. Catalina." Ramirez, 1. c.

8 ''oyo decir este testigo al dicho capitan Sebastian caboto que le dixo que
surgiesen porque hera el viento escaso e quellos dixeron que los dexase andar
que se si perdiese la nao que les cortase la eabeca e questo dezia el dicho miguel
de Rodas." X witness to the viii Interrogatory.

178 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

first, and charged Rodas himself and Grajeda to take them.*
They reported that it was perfectly safe to proceed, f On
their word the ship was advancing quietly when a sudden
shock told them they had struck on a bank.J Michael de
Rodas tore his beard in despair, and wept, and cried, "Hang
me, Captain, " — but the ship was lost for ever.§ Captain
Francis de Rojas in his interrogatories accuses Cabot of es-
caping from his ship as soon as it ran on the bank, which dis-
heartened the others, so that each one thought only of saving
himself ; which, he says, was the cause of the loss of the ship,
for if it had been attended to at once it could easily have been
got afloat. || The charge is a serious one, and if true would be
a foul brand on Cabot's forehead. But can it be accepted
and believed with no other evidence than the word of Rojas,
who not once only, but repeatedly proves himself most clearly
a liar and slanderer ? Besides, where he declares that but for
him and his energy, zeal, and courage the whole or most of

*VI pregunta. — "Yten si saben quel dicbo Sebastian caboto enbio amiguel
de Rodas piloto de la nao capitana e anton de grajeda rnaestre de la dicha nao
capitana a sondar entre la ysla de santa cataliua y la tierra firine para que mirasen
si avia lugar para llevar las naos eu buen puerto porque estavan surtas entre tres
yslas pequecas que estavan junto a la dicha ysla de santa catalina porque avia
de hazer un batel para la nao capitaua porque perdio el que tenia a cabo frio
con una gran tormenta."

f VII pregunta. "Yten si saben quel dicho miguel de Rodas piloto e anton
de grajeda rnaestre fueron a sondar entre la dicha ysla de santa catalina y la
tierra finne e se bolvieron al dicho capitan Sebastian caboto e le dixerion que
avian sondado e que avia lugar para carracas." — Probancade Sebastian Caboto.

X " Yten sy saben que la dicha nao capitana que se perdio en la ysla de santa
catalina f ue por culpa del dicho miguel de Rodas piloto de la dicha nao e de an-
ton de grajeda rnaestre de la dicha nao porque no sondaron como el dicho se-
bastiano caboto les mando."— VIII Pregunta de la Probanda de Sebastian Ca-
boto. All the nine witnesses confirm the guilt of Rodas and Grajeda.

§ ". . . estando ansi perdida estava el dicho miguel de Rodas mesandose las
barvas e llorando e diziendo ahorqueme el capitan. . . ." The witnesses to the viii
Interrogatory.

\ "toco la nao capitana su un banco lo qual visto por el dicho Sebastian gaboto
con falta de animo la desamparo luego y se f ue huyendo a tierra e visto la gente
de la dicha nao quel capitan della huga y los dejaba desamparados perdieron
el animo de rremediar la dicha nao y cada uno procuraba como mejor podia
de salvar su persona e que a cabsa delo qual perdio la dicha nao lo que no hi-
ziera sy el dicho Sebastian gaboto no huyera y la desamparara. . ." No. 15.

LOSS OF THE FI7AG-SHH\ 179

the cargo of the ship would have been lost ; * a witness who
belonged to the crew of that ship and was present at the mis-
fortune and the landing of the persons and things, says the
merit of saving the most of the cargo was wholly due to the
orders and activity of Cabot, f

In their distress for the loss of the flag-ship they all felt a
happy sense of relief on learning from some Indians in canoes
that there were Christians,i.e. Europeans, in the neighborhood.
Indeed, one of them presented himself the next day and said
there were fifteen of them, all belonging to Loaysa's fleet, left
there in consequence of a great storm which the fleet suffered
from in that sea. The rest too, as was natural, ran to see and
welcome them as soon as they knew of their arrival. J

After the accident to the flag-ship, instead of building a
small-boat, they had to think of constructing a galiot to carry
as much of the cargo as they were able to save from the
wreck. § But the portion saved was less than that which they
were forced to see perish, and the loss of the ship was a blow
which the expedition never got over.

The witnesses called in the suit between Cabot and Vasquez
say unanimously that in the flag-ship the expedition lost
heavily in provisions and ammunition; and one testifies that in

* "si por el dicho capitan francisco de Rojas que como buen servidor de su
magestad arriesgo su persona no fuera seperdieran las dichas cosas ola mayor
parte dellas . . . ." No. 16 of bis interrogatories

f "sabe e vio ansimismo que todo lo que se pudo salvar de la dicha nao se
saco e se puso mucha deligencia en ello porque anei lo maudava el dicho capi-
tan Sebastian caboto e se hazia asy e lo vio asy este testigo porquestava en la di-
cha nao capitana al tiempo que se perdio." X witness to ix Int. of Cabot's
proofs.

% Ramirez, App. xxxvii. These men belonged to the crew of the S. Gabriel,
one of the seven ships of Loaysa, which was commanded by Don Rodrigo de
Acunha. Terribly beaten about by a violent storm for many days, he had the
good fortune of finding refuge in this bay. But a great part of his men, worn
out by the sufferings endured, dreading those which still awaited them, on land-
ing here, refused to continue on the voyage, and as he insisted on their return-
ing to their duty he was so far from moving them that it was all he could do
to escape from them with his life. Only a few of those who remained on shore
were alive; the most of them were drowned by the capsizing of a boat they
were in. See Navarrete, v, Doc. No. xv, p. 313, &s.

$ Ramirez 1. c. —Cabot in the xvii Question of his proofs.

180 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

his opinion they lost no less than half of their stores of food be-
sides shrouds, sail's, anchors, and all sorts of marine stores that
were stowed there for the fleet's use ; and that this ship alone
was more valuable than all the. others together.* To this loss,
which was incalculably great in the case of an expedition con-
templating a long voyage, must be added another still greater,
that all or nearly all the expedition fell sick, and for the most
part, to fall sick and to die were the same thing. On this all
agree ; Ramirez in his narrative, Cabot's accusers, and Cabot
himself.f The voyage from Pernambuco to St. Catharine had
. been most laborious, and as many of the expedition were
not seamen, but persons engaged in trade,who followed Cabot
for the account of the Merchants' Company with a view to
the gains hoped for from the Moluccas and the fancied lands of
Ophir and Tarshish, these unaccustomed to long and labor-
ious navigation, all reached St. Catharine already broken with
labor and suffering. To restore them they needed a healthy
climate, good and wholesome food, and instead of these they
found the direct opposites : the climate especially, with its in-
tense heat, its moisture, and the exhalations from the low
grounds and rank vegetation, proved fatal to them. They caught
a violent fever against which there was no defense ; they were
taken down with the disease and never got up again. Many
of the sailors even, yielded to the malignant sickness. And the
very few who came out clear from that pestilence might count
it a miracle. The greater part of the men were sick, say
some of the witnesses ; all or nearly all were so, say the others.;):

* "paresce aeste dicho testigo que la dicha naocapitana hera los dos partes

de dicha armada porque en la dicha nao yvan muchos aparejos para la

dicha armada de xarcias y rescates y ancoras y velas e otras mucbas cosas y
mucho mantenimiento e que cree este testigo que avia mas mantenimiento en la
dicha nao capitana que no en todas las otras naos e que lo cree por que al tiempo

que se perdio la dicha nao vio lo que avia en ella " x testigo a la xii Pre-

gunta. See also ix Pregimta.

f See Rojas, Interrogatory xvii.— Cabot, Pregunta x of his proofs.— Ramirez,
App. xxxlHi.

X Pregunta x de la Probanda de Sebastian Caboto.

I. Testigo en la ysla de Santa Catalina adolescfo mucha gente o todo de

lo que yva en la dicha armada e se murierou alii muchos dellos de calenturas
que les dio e de la tierra que los provo. , , ,

REPORTS OF WEALTH ON LA PLATA. 181

And better than by the witnesses' words we are told so by the
state of the fleet, when it again sets sail to continue #re voy-
age.

Besides the fifteen Spaniards of Loaysa's fleet there were at
that bay two others who had belonged to that of John Diaz de
Solis, and were with him at the discovery of the Rio de La
Plata. These were Melchior Ramirez and Henry Montes,
and they fraternized more closely than the others with Ca-
bot's people.

" These," says Lewis Ramirez in his narrative, "informed
the captain of the great treasures of the country, and that as-
cending the River de Solis and entering Paraguay they
would find a ridge abounding in gold, silver, and other metals,
with ivhichthey might fill their vessels."* The general asked them
for a specimen of that gold and silver, and they told how some
of their companions being near those mountains were able to
observe the pieces of gold obtained from that ridge, and which
the Indians were carrying. Wishing to go back to that place
they were attacked by Guaranis to rob them of the slaves
they were taking loaded with the metal ; and that on this
account, and because they had sent to Spain a little before, as
much as two arrobas,f of gold, they only kept a few pieces,
that they had set aside for the Virgin of Guadalupe^ the only

III. Testigo vio la mas de la gente de la dicha armada cayeron ma-

los

V. Testigo . r. .los mas dellos cayeron todos malos

VIII. Testigo enfermaron toda o la mas parte de la gente

IX. Testigo murieron hartos de los que yvan en la dicha armada,... todos

que no quedo ninguuo de los que yvan en la dicha armada adolescieron....

X. Testigo en la ysla de santa catalina adolesci6 toda la geute. . . .que no

quedo ninguno.

The answers to the xii Interrogatory repeat and confirm this, that nearly all
were taken sick, and many died immediately, or within a few days after they
left St. Catharine's Bay.

*".... los quales informaron al capitan de la gran riqueza de la tierra y de
como saliendo del rio de solis y entrando por el Paraguaj llesrarien a dar
con una sierra abundante en oro, plata y otros metales, con los pudierian
llenar las naves." See App. xxxvii.

*+ The Arroba is a Spanish weight equal to 25 pounds of 16 ounces each.

% Guadalupe is a eity of Spain in the province of Toledo, where there is a

182 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

pieces of gold they showed. To their offer to go with him,
the Captain replied that his road did not lie that way.*

From the narrative of Ramirez it is clear that it was at
the Bay of St. Catharine that Cabot was first told of the wealth
of the Plata ; a further proof that Rojas lied when he accused
Cabot of believing the words of the enemies of Spain, the
Portuguese, at Pernambuco, and on their stories deciding at
that time to stop his expedition at the Plata. Ramirez is a
witness free from all suspicion, for he was present all through,
and wrote his narrative from the banks of the Plata itself,
more than two years before the expedition returned to Spain;
at a time not only when nothing could have been known of
the suit which was brought after the return to Europe, but he
was even ignorant » whether Rojas and the rest were
still alive, and whether he himself would ever return to
Spain ; and he was the first to give an unofficial account of
the voyage, and sent it to Spain by the first ship of that ex-
pedition which revisited Europe. It agrees perfectly with
what Cabot says in his defence to the charges made by the
mother of Martin Mendez.f All the ten witnesses produced
by Cabot not only confirm his words, but one of them even
mentions the persistency of the two Spaniards to overcome
Cabot's reluctance, and winning over to their views the wishes
and hopes of the men who accompanied him. One of the
latter who went home with Montes and saw the quantity
of gold Ramirez tells of which he was keeping, speaks of it in
these words : " He told the men of the expedition that never

celebrated sanctuary dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. It is the same sanctuary
after which Christopher Columbus named one of the islands of the Antilles.

* " a la offerta que ellos hicieron de acompafiaile coutesto el capitan que
no era aquel su camino." See App. xxxvii.

f " Yten si saben que en la dicha ysla de santa catalina se hallaron dos onbres
que avian ydo con el capitan juan diaz de solis e dixeron al dicho capitan
Sebastian caboto e a toda la gente de la armada que fuesen al Rio de solis
porque avia ay grandes riquezas de oro e plata e que unos compafieros suyos
avian ydo alia e traydo mucho oro y plata lo qual avian enbiado a espafia e
que los dichos sus compafieros bolvieron otra vez alia y traxeron ciertas mues-
tras de oro y plata al dicho capitan Sebastian caboto las quales muestras vieron
la gente de la armada el uno de los quales se llamava enriqne montes y el otro
melchor ramirez natural de la villa de lcpe." Pregunta xviii.

THE DECISION TO ASCEND LA PLATA. 183

were men so fortunate as those of the fleet, for it was said
there was enough silver and gold at the River de Solis to make
them all rich. " * Another relates of Montes that he showed
the men of the expedition his specimens of gold, and told
wonders of the riches of that country, and that they might
load all their ships with gold and silver, f Their words nat-
urally gained the power of effective eloquence from the fact
that they had been companions of Solis, and were eye-witnesses
of what they related, and offered themselves as safe guides sure
of the way.

A fleet in normal condition, trusting and agreeing with
its commander, with provisions and ammunition, in good
health, would doubtless have felt its constancy shaken
by such words, and every heart would have struggled between
continuing the voyage to the end as determined on, and stop-
ping at the prospect of such unexpected abundance of gold'.
Now that every thing was wrong, minds heated with disputes
and suspicions, bodies weakened by pestilence, the strength of
the ships half destroyed, most of the provisions lost, it would
have been an almost incredible miracle if they had re-
sisted the temptation. But why speak of temptation ? The fleet
was in a condition to take advantage of the offer as of a pro-
viding by Heaven for their necessities. Indeed, when we
see them afterwards sailing from St. Catharine, there are
so few men fit for duty that it is difficult to muster hands
enough to work the ship ; and death will continue on the voy-
age to make fresh victims of those left ; and the scarcity
of provisions in consequence of the unexpected stopping
at Pernambuco, the additional delay at the Bay of St. Catha-
rine, and the loss of the flag-ship will be such that on arriving
at the mouths of the river they will be in distress.

* I Testigo " Dixo que fne a buscar a Enrique montes 0 le hallo e

vio como tenia unas cuentasde oroe un poco de plata e como dezia a la gente
de la dicha armada que nunca onbres f ueron tan bien aventurados como los de
la dicha armada porque dezian que avia tanta plata y oro en el Rio de solis que
dezian que todos serian ricos "

f III Testigo. .."e que ansymismo vio este testigo las dichas muestras deoro
y plata que las mostro a este testigo e a otros el dicho enrique montes e que le
dezia mira hijos que desto se cargara las naos de ero e de plata. ..."

184

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

On the other hand, Cabot and a few besides regarded
the expedition as aiming at the coveted discovery of Ophir and
Tarshish, but most of them had in view the wealth of
the Moluccas, for which alone the merchants of Seville had for
the first time united to get that fleet together. Stopping then
at the Plata the precise purpose of the expedition was aban-
doned, but its object was substantially achieved. And even
if Cabot was anxious to keep up to the level of the purpose in
view, what means had he of repairing the ruin of his
fleet? He might maintain respect and obedience to his
authority with a stronger hand ; he might hope that his
men now overcome by fatigue and sickness might re-
cover once they were away from the deadly air of St Catharine;
but how supply the want of food ? He could not at St. Catha-
rine, for his men were nearly all sick, and if he did not hurry
away there would soon be none of them left, and the
Indigenes, good and willing as they were, were only able to
afford a scant relief for a few days. For the sick they could do
nothing, for the food of the country so far from helping to re-
store them to health is said by one of the witnesses to be a prin-
cipal cause of the sickness, the stomachs of the Spaniards not
being accustomed to it.* And how little European food they
had left is shown by the fact that when they came to the
Plata and wanted to ascertain the fertility of the soil, they
could only collect from all the vessels fifty-two grains of
wheat for sowing. f What was there left for a prudent com-
mander to do in such circumstances ? To seize the only means
of safety open to him. J That is what Cabot did. He assembled

* The ninth witness to the x Interrogatory of Sebastian Cabot says. ". . . .
murieron hartos . . . . y cree que a causa de ser la navegacion larga e mudar los
ay res y tierras y bastimentos adolescieron e murieron . . . ."

f "Senbraron en el mes de setiembre LII granos de tigro q no se hallo mas en
las naos . . . ." From the inscription on the chart of Sebastian Cabot of 1544.
See App. No. xxxix.

% "... el qua duo Capitan Sebastian Caboto vino a este Rio por caso fortu-
ito, porque la nao capitana en q yva se le perdio, y visto que no podia seguir
el dicho su viaje, accordo de descubrir con la gSte que lleava el dicho Rio, vista
la "gmdissima relacion que los Indios de la tierra le dieron de la gradis-
simariqueza de oro y plata, que en la dha tierra avia. . . ." ib. "Yten sy saben

THE DECISION TO ASCEND LA PLATA; 185

his officers, put the matter before them, and by their ad-
vice and approval decided to keep the fleet at £he Plata. Only
two officers were against it, or if we take only disinter-
ested witnesses, a single one, Rojas. We have already seen how
he boasted of having opposed the change of the voyage
at Pernambuco ; but that, except in his boast, there is no
hint from any quarter that any thing of the sort was thought
of at Pernambuco, that all the circumstances contradict
it, and the testimony of Lewis Ramirez absolutely denies it.
It is therefore clear that Rojas in the bitterness of his enmity
towards Cabot maliciously altered the place where this delib-
eration was held, because at St. Catharine there was every
thing to excuse Cabot, and at Pernambuco every thing would
have shown him to blame. His opposition at St. Catharine is
mentioned by one of the witnesses called to testify whether the
voyage was altered with or without the approval of all
the officers. "From there," the witness says, "they sailed for
the River de Solis, and it seemed to the witness that it
was with the agreement of the said officers, because the
witness saw no attempt of the said officers to prevent it,
except that he heard say that the said Captain Rojas urged
that they should not go to the River de Solis, but con-
tinue their voyage."* What motive had Rojas in this opposi-
tion ? It can be inferred with certainty, by setting it all
down to his enmity towards Cabot. He opposed the change
because Cabot proposed it : in the desperate circumstances in
which the fleet was, he would have supported it, if Cabot had

que perdida la dicha nao capitana no pudo el dicho Sebastian caboto seguir su
viaje porque la dicha nao capitana bera la mitad de la armada e tambien
porque toda la gente enfermo luego con el ayre de la tierra que los provo." — xii
Preguntade la Probanca de Seb. Caboto.

The witnesses confirm this, especially the X, who stops to tell the enor-
mous loss of provisions on the flag-ship, shrouds, sails, anchors, every sort of
ship tackle. The X repeats and confirms the same thing with new testimony to
the xis Interrogatory.

*" de alii se partieron para el Rio de solis, e le paresce a este testigo

que seria con accuerdo de losdichos oficiales por queste testigo no les vio hazer
deligencia ninguna a los dichos oficiales para que no fuesen salvo que oyo de-
ck quel dicho capitau Rojas le avia requerido que no fuese al Rio de solis syno
que seguiese su viaje . , . ."

186 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

shut his ears to the splendid promises of the River de Solis.

The other opponent of the change was Mendez, if we
credit the XX interrogatory of the accusation which his
mother Catharine Vasquez brought against Sebastian Cabot.
But no witness answered this interrogatory, and nowhere else
is there any mention of his opposition. The witnesses also
declare in many places that Cabot always acted in matters of
importance by the advice of the officers. Most of all then
he would have asked their advice and conformed to it in this
the most important matter of all, one that altered substan-
tially the nature and scope of the expedition.*

They sailed from the Bay of St. Catharine February 15, 1527,
and if, notwithstanding the great number sick and the many
dead,they were able to complete the construction of the galiot
in a relatively short time, it was due to the assistance of the na-
tives influenced by the pressure and zeal of Henry Montes who
had acquired great authority over them.f

The state of the expedition, in consequence of the loss of the
flag-ship and the number sick or dead, was most desperate,
but it would be childish to suppose that in the general distress
there was any taming, or even temporary cessation, of personal
enmity. Human minds brutalized by passion are not so noble.
But rather, when misfortune gives a good chance to vent their
rage, with fierce eagerness they seize on that, and the grief and
complaint become weapons to strike with and to kill. What
we are going to relate shows that this must have been true in
the case of this expedition.

Here is the fact as Cabot briefly tells it in the twenty-third
point of his defense . "Let the witnesses tell whether they
know that Cabot being with his fleet at the island of St. Cath-
arine found sufficient information that the said Francis de
Rojas, Martin Mendez, and Michael de Rodas had stirred the
whole fleet to mutiny against him, and he, having the said
information and issuing process against them, although they

*"Dixoque...todas las cosas que hazian que tocavan al servicio de su mages-
tad e a la dicha armada lo hazian con su consejo e acuerdo de los dichos ofi-
ciales. , . ." x witness to the xvii Interrogatory of Cabot's proofs.

t Ramirez, 1. c.

ARREST OF ROJAS AND OTHERS. 187

deserved capital punishment, was loath to inflict it, but treat-
ing them with mercy, deposed them and left them on the
said island.*

Here, by way of parenthesis, I think it well to anticipate a
difficulty which might present itself later to the reader. Ca-
bot and the witnesses say that these officers were deposed at
the island of St. Catharine ; others say, instead, the island of
Patos. To explain the matter, it should be known that in
the bay where Cabot was then, there is an island of some size,
called by him St. Catharine, from which the bay is named.
Near this island there are others not so large, one of which is
called Patos ; f and it was at the latter that Cabot really de-
posed the three officers ; but he indicates the place by the gen-
eral name of the bay.

The witnesses called to answer Cabot's interrogatory testify
to the arrest and deposal, but for the causes they either know
nothing or merely repeat what was generally reported in the
fleet, that there had been an attempt to get the men of the ex-
pedition to rebel against their leader. Only one in his testi-
mony throws a ray of light on the obscurity which confronts
us. He relates having seen the anchor weighed and the sails
set of the caravel while the men of the expedition were on
shore, and he heard it said in the fleet that they wanted to
mutiny with this vessel, but he did not see, nor hear tell who
they were who wanted to mutiny ; but it was reported that
Cabot had hot words about it with Baptist de Negron, the
master of the caravel.^ From this testimony it appears

M'Yten si saben questando el dicho Sebastian caboto con la dicha su armada
en la dicha ysla de santa catalina ovoynformacion vastante de como los dichos
francisco de Rojas y martin Mendez e miguel de Rodas amotinavan toda la
gente de la dicha armada contra el dicho capitan y avida la dicha ynformacion
y hecho proceso contra ellos aunque merescian pena de muerte no se la quiso
dar usando de piedad con ellos desterro en la dicha ysla de santa catalina." Int.
xxiii.

t "la dicha nao aporto al puerto de los patos ques cerca de la dicha ysla de
santa catalina."— vi witness to xxii Int. of Cat. Vasquez.

+ VIII. testigo. ". . . este testigo . . . . vio quel dicho capitan caboto mando
echar en la dicha ysla de santa catalina a los dichos francisco de Rojas e mar-
tin mendez e miguel de rodas pero queste testigo non sabe porque ni por que
no lox dexo mas de quanto vio este testigo que traxeron il leme y las velas de

188 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

that an attempt at mutiny was made, but failed ; and
as the name of Rqjas was not mentioned nor that of the
other two, we must presume that they did not openly show
themselves, but remained ready to come forward if the affair
showed signs of succeeding. But it could not have been
difficult for the commander of the expedition to recognize
at once who were at the head of the attempt. The
previous acts at Pernambuco must have kept him always
awake not to lose sight of the three most dangerous officers, to
watch their words, and to count their steps. And this con-
tinual suspicion with his constant watchfulness was, no doubt,
what caused the revolt to miscarry, and consequently the first
steps of the inquiry were at once directed towards these three. *
After the deposal of Mendez, Kifos, who had performed the
duties of Lieutenant of the expedition, assumed the title. +

An addition at the end of Sebastian Cabot's proofs says :
"There was another inquiry made by Sebastian Cabot while
on the ships, on which he commanded the arrest of Francis de
Rqjas, Martin Mendez, and Michael de Rodas, and on this
he found their guilt for which he abandoned them, and
there are in it certain opinions which he took in order to de-
cide what he should do in the matter. It was made July 2,
1526, without interrogatories" J

la caravela de la dicha armada estaudo la dicha gente en tierra e questo testigo
pregunto que porque trayan el dicho teme e velas de la dicha caravela e que
oyo decir a la gente de la dicha armada que porque se avian querido alcarcon
la dicha caravela pero questo testigo no oyo decir ni vio quienes fuesen losque
se querian alcar con la dicha caravela e que oyo decir este testigo a la sazon a
la dicha cente que avian refiido el dicho capitan Sebastian caboto con el patron
de la nao^de la trenidad que se llamava bautista de negron sobre la trayda de
las dichas velas y leme."

* IX. test.- " Dixo que lo que desta pregunta este testigo sabe es que vio to-
mar ciertos testigos de ynformacion contra los dichos francisco de Rojas y mar-
tin mendez e miguel de Rodas no sabe este testigo porque causa ni si fue bas-
tante ni si no porque este testigo no vio los testigos de la dicha ynformacion e
no sabe otracosa."

t See the xviii Interrogatory of the proofs of Catharine Vasquez, and the
testimony in relation to it.

t Ay otra information hecha por Sebastian caboto estandoen las naos por la
qual mando prender al capitan Rojas e a martin mendez e a miguel de Rodas e
por ella funda la culpa que tenian para los desterrar ay en ella ciertos par-

ARREST OF ROJAS AND OTHERS. 189

The date of the year and month informs us that this in-
quiry does not relate to the arrest and deposal made at St.
Catharine, but the first arrest at Pernambueo. Iotdeed, we
know that they left there the 29th of September 1526, after
staying three months : therefore in July they were at Per-
nambueo. But this inquiry was called up anew at St.
Catharine when the conduct of these officers had to be again
investigated, and it served as the basis of the severe judg-
ment given against them. Since at Pernambueo Cabot's
severity went no further than the arrest of Rojas and
Mendez, it must be supposed that Rodas had not greatly
compromised himself at that time, and that his conduct
grew worse in the sequel.

The mother of Mendez, in her XIV interrogatory, also
claims damages from Cabot for the losses her son suffered in
his property from not being allowed to be present when every
thing they could save was taken out of the flag-ship to put
into the galiot :* and Rojas in the 19th point of his accusa-
tion charges Cabot with keeping him a prisoner for many
days ;f and according to one witness Martin Mendez was kept
many days in arrest.^: The arrest, then, must have been some
time before the departure. But as Rojas himself boasts of his
zeal and care for the sick and convalescent, it cannot be placed
very soon after the arrival. According to me, it must have been
when, recovering from the first alarm created by the sickness
and the deaths, the most of the convalescents began to regain
their strength, and the galiot being completed they were pre-
paring to load her. Then the three officers were arrested
and sent under guard on board of Gregory Caro's vessel.

eceres que tomo para deternainar en In que sobrello nvia de hacer hizose a
dos de jullo de mill e quinientos y vente y seys aiios esta hecha svn ynterro-
gatorio.

... protesto ... ae covrar del dicho Sebastian caboto . . . tada la
hazi%ida que en la nao capitana se le avia perdido por no estar presente en
ella ; la qual el salvara como otros muchos salvaron la suva por estar pre-
sentes . . . . "

f " Le torno a prender y tuvo preso muchos dias."

X "Dixo .... quel dicho Martin Mendez despues de aver estado muchos dias
preso en la nao del dicho capitan caro" . . . . vi test, xi Pregunta de la
Probanca de Cataliua Vasquez.

190 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Rojas in his interrogatories could not omit mention of his
second arrest, and as he could not say it was for his opposition
to the changing of their voyage, for he had given that before,
he says he was arrested for his great care of and interest in the
sick, and because he took great pains to save the stores of the
flag-ship. His zeal in those matters had won him the affec-
tion and gratitude of all, at which Cabot being jealous caused
him to be arrested and deposed, the only way in his power
to throw odium on him.* It would be a waste of words for
us to stop to take up and discuss this new charge; let us, then,
go on. During their confinement, Rojas and Mendez made a
great noise, protesting their innocence, demanding justice, and
trying by every means to interest their companions in their
favor. But their companions were not moved, and Cabot, in-
formed of what was passing, paid no attention to their clamor, f
When the time came for sailing, he sent the chief constable
of the fleet to the Santa Maria del Espinar with a boat to take
the three prisoners and leave them on the island of Patos.
Informed of the fate that awaited them, the three cried
loudly and protested that they were innocent and were treated
with violence solely out of the captain's enmity towards them;
but their clamors were dispersed by the wind, and the expedi-
tion put out to sea leaving them on that island.^

* See his 17,18, and 19 Interrogatories". . . .por razon destas bona* obras que
hazia ala gente como por aver sydo cabsa que las cosas de la nao perdida
se salvasen e visto que toda la gente por Razon dello le tenia buena voluntad
de enbidia que al dicho Francisco de Rojas tuvo se le acresento y doblo el

,. i i « j n„ Qi *0nia Dor rrazon de a dicba inbidia y en-

odio y mala voluntad que con el tenia pui no* j

.j -i. i * ™v^o mr *>i HipbocaDitan aver dicbo ni hecno cosa

emystad capital. ... syntener cabsa ny ei aienu wfim,u

porque le torno a prender..." No. 18.

• o * *^. . i. tt T.,f ▼; vii -jriii xiv, xv.— Int. ofFrancis
t See proofs of Ca talma Vasquez.— Int. xi, xn, xw, -aav, *

de Rojas, xix.— App. xxxiv and xxxv. .

% "estando la gente ya embarcada para partir dela vaya delos patos. tiizosa-
car...y llebarlos a dejar en aquella ysla. . . ."De Rojas Interrogatory, JNo. ^U

"Este testigo vio como el alguazil mayor de la dicba armada llego a la dicba

nao del dicho capitan caro e llamo a los dicbos martin mendez etc.... vm

test, xvi Pregunta de la Probanca de Catalina Vasquez : The other witnesses
repeat the same thing.

"Dixoqueste testigo vio como.. ..el dicho alguazil los llevo a tierra e que
los dichos martin mendez e capitan Rojas yvan dando bozes quexandose del
dicho capitan general demandando a dios justicia....etc." ix test, xvi Pregunta
....also other witnesses. See likewise xviii Pregunta.

I
THE THREE OFFICERS LEFT AT PALOS. 191

Rojas in the 22nd point of his accusation and the mother of
Mendez in her XVII interrogatory, assert that Cabot in aban-
doning them left them slaves to a rich Indian of that place, and
Rojas says that the inhabitants of the island were cannibals who
had already eaten many Christians, and Cabot's hope in aban-
doning them was that they should be treated in the same way.*
The impudence of this assertion is beyond measure. In the first
place it is well to mention that neither of the two witnesses
called by Vasquez knows any thing about it. The first has seen
the three prisoners delivered to one of the principal inhab-
itants of the island; the other has heard say that Cabot recom-
mended them to two of the principal Indians of the place ;
they know no more.f

Then as to the character of the place, the calumny of Rojas
is answered by the fifteen Christians of Loaysa's fleet found
there and two of Solis's expedition, concerning whom neither
Rojas nor anybody else ever said that they were subjected to ill-
treatment or violence on the part of the inhabitants of those
islands. On the contrary it appears that Henry Montez had
acquired a certain authority over them, for on his invitation
they willingly helped Cabot's men to build the galiot. He
is answered by Diego Garcia, the envious adversary of Se-
bastian Cabot who sought every opportunity of backbiting and

* XVII Pregunta de la Probanda de Catalina Vasquez : — " Yten si saben et
cetera que despues quel dicho capitan Sebastian caboto inando hechar y
hecho a los dichos martin mendez e francisco de Rojas en la dicha ysla nom-
brada santa catalina los dio por esclavos a un yndio mayoral de aquella tierra
que se llama topadera diziendo ay te dexo estos cristianos para que te aga
cunas e anzuelas...."

No. 22 dell' Interrogator^ del capitan Francisco Rojas: — "Iten si. saben etc.
que la gente de aquella tierra comen carne humana y an muerto y comido en
ella muchos cristianos y para que asy hiziese aldicbo capitan lo dejo en la dicha
ysla el dicho Sebastian caboto y sobre esto le dejo por esclavo de un indio
principal de aquella tierra...."

t VI Witness: "dixo que vio quedar a los dichos.... en poder del dicho
tapavara (the rich Indian) pero que lo demas contenido en la dicha pregunta
este testigo no lo sabe ni lo oyo dezir."

The ix witness : " dixo queste testigo oyo dezir publicamente que al

tiempo que dicho Sebastian caboto avia mandato dexar a los dichos les

avia dexado encomendados a dos yndios mayorales de aquella ysla e que lo
demas contenido en la dicha pregunta que no lo sabe."

192 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

setting him in a bad light, and who says of the inhabitants of
that island : u They are a good race of people, who treat
Christians well, and gave him a quantity of food, because they
were good Indians ;"* and after a few lines more, he adds that
" they were the best people in that region, "f In fine, Rojas
belies his own calumny by his experience in remaining a long
time among those Indians, and returning safe and sound to
Spain, and if Mendez and Rodas lost their life there, it was
not the Indians that took it, but Rojas himself was the cause
of their sad and premature death, as we shall see further on.

Then, as to the fact of leaving them as slaves to an Indian,
here is the interrogatory to which Cabot produced ten wit-
nesses. "Whether they know that when they left Francis de
Rojas, Martin Mendez, and Michael de Rodas at the said island
of St. Catharine, the said Sebastian Cabot delivered to them
all their property and clothing, and two butts of wine, and
gunpowder, and fire-locks, and many other things and recom-
mended strongly to the principal Indians of the place to treat
them well." J

The first witness says as to the delivery of their property
and the other things named in the interrogatory, that with
his own eyes he saw it done : he has no personal knowledge
about the recommendation, but knows that it was generally re-
ported in the fleet. § The second witness testifies to both; the

• " e andando en el camino allegamos a un rio que se llama el Rio

delos Patos questa a veynte e syete grados que ay una buena generacion que
hace muy buena obra a los cristianos e llamanse los carriores, e alii nos
dieron mucbas vituallas que llama myllo e harina de mandioco e mucbas cala-
baras e mucbos patos e otros mucbos mantenimientos porque beran buenos
yndios," Belacion y derrotero de Diego Garcia.

f " .... hera . . . .mas buena gente que en aquellas partes." lb.

X "Yten si saben que quandoquedaron en la dicba ysla de santa catalina los
dicbos francisco de Rojas e martin mendez e miguel de Rodas el dicbo Sebastian
caboto les entrego todo su rescate e ropa y dos botas de vino y cierta polvora
de lombarda y escopetas y otras mucbas cosas y que los encomendo mucbo a
los yndios mayorales de la tierra que les biziesen buen tratamiento. ..." xxiv
Pregunta de la Probanda de Caboto.

§ "Dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene en quanto a lo que toca a entre-

garles lo contenido en la pregunta porque se lo vio entregar este testigo a

los susodicbos estando en tierra e que en lo que toco al encomendalles a los

THE SUPPLIES LEFT WITH THEM. 193

fourth and seventh by hearsay ; * the third and fifth as eye-
witnesses, f The sixth confirms both on hearsay, with the
addition that when it was impossible to get from the ship
some wine that belonged to Rojas, the latter ordered it di-
vided among his servants ; and the servants afterwards com-
plained about that wine to Michael Rifos, Cabot's Lieuten-
ant : and that besides the things delivered to them the three
deposed officers sent to ask for more, and had them.J The
ninth, an eye-witness, remembers the delivery and recom-
mendation, and the interpreter who explained to the Indians
Cabot's recommendation and his promise to them that on his
return he would stop there and if he found they had treated
them well he would make them many presents.§ The tenth
saw the delivery of all their things to the three officers, and
relates that he heard that as they did not like the wine
of one cask they had on shore, Cabot ordered another of good
quality to be given them in place of it.||

The reader must not think I have stopped unnecessarily to

dichos yudios que no lo vio este testigo pero que lo oyo decir asy a la gente de
la diclia armada."

* II.— "Dixo que oyo dezir lo contenido en hi diclia pregunta publicamente a
la gente de hi diclia armada. — iv id. vii id.

t HI. — "Dixo que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque lo vio asy pasar

"Dixe que la sabe como en ella se contiene porque lo vio asy . . ."

X "Dixo que oyo dezir . . . quel dieho capitan Sebastian caboto avia dado a
los dichos capitan Rojas e martin mendez e mignel de Rodas todos sus rescates
e ropas syno fuera cierto bidro y cierto vino que no se podia sacar de la nao
e que por cierto bidro de aquello vino e otras cosas que avian quedado avia

dicho el dicho capitan Rojas que se diesen a sus criados e que despues le

parescio que les vio andar en pleyto a los criados del dicho capitan Rojas con
miquel Rifos teniente del dicho sebasthm caboto. . . . e que ansimismo oyo de-
cir a la diclia gente que .... caboto los avia encomendado a los yndios que
los tratasen bien."

§ " Dixo que sabe e vio . . . . que les dexo .... sus rescates . . . . y sus
caxas con todo lo que dentro tenian .... que ansi mismo vio que los encom-
endo a los yndios principales de la dicha ysla por una lengua que estava alii
para que se lo dixese a los dichos yudios para que los tratasen bien y les diede
lo que oviesen menester por quel bolveria por alii y les daria muchas dadivas."

|| " Dixo que .... vio como .... caboto mando que diesen .... todo lo
que tenian en las dichas naos que fuese sugo . . . . e que oyo decir .... que
una bota de vino que tenia en tien :» non lima muy buen vino .... caboto
mando que les llevasen otra bota de vino."

13

1(J4 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

collect all this evidence ; for it will not be idle to remember it
when the tempest now gathering over Cabot's head bursts
upon him.

It will be useful likewise to see how Herrera, the classic
historian of Spanish navigation, has presented to his readers
the account of these events; we have already quoted in its place
the passage where rapidly and with a vagueness which to
Biddle seems indicative of falsehood, he relates the voyage
from the coast of Spain to the isle of Patos.* Let us resume
his narrative at that point and follow it. Herrera says
then : "The provisions ran short from improper issue ....
and so he came to the island of Patos in great famine.
He was well received by the Indians who gave him a great
quantity of victuals with which he supplied the ships, al-
though he repaid them ill, for he took four sons of the princi-
pal men. He passed on till he entered the river which they
called then De Solis, and is now La Plata, leaving on an un-
inhabited island the General's Lieutenant, Martin Mendez,
Captain Francis de Rojas, and Michael de Rodas ; because
he not only had ill-will towards them, but they had freely
found fault with his government ; and in fact he did not go
to the Spice Islands, because he had not provisions, and the
men would not follow him as they feared to be badly man-
aged in the Strait (of Magellan), "f

Let us put aside the capture of the four young Indians,
which we will examine hereafter, and first look into the
rest. Herrera gives as the cause of the provisions run-
ning short that they had been improperly issued. But

* See ch. xvi.

f " . . . . llego a la isla de Patos, con mucha hambre. Y fue bien recebido de
los Jndios, que le dieron mucha victualla, con que abastecio los navios,
aunque se lo pago mal porque tomo quatro hijos de los hombres mas
principals. Passo adelante, hasta entrar en el rio, que entonces Uaraavan de
Solis, y aora de la Plata, dexando en una isla despoblada al Teniente de
General, Martin Mendez, al Capitan Francisco de Rojaa, y a Miguel de Rodas ,
porque demas que les tenia mala voluntad, con libertad reprehendian sa go-
vierno : y en efeto no passo a la Especeria ; porque ni lleva vitualla, ni la gente
It; quiso seguir temiendo de ser mal governada en el estrecho." — Herrera, iii,
Jib. x, cap. i.

195

were they not unexpectedly blockaded by the fury of the
sea at Pernambuco for three months ? Herrera says not
a word about that. And the four months or thereabouts
that they were detained at the Bay of St. Catharine by
sickness and the necessity of providing themselves with
a galiot ? Of this Herrera says nothing. Thus the period
of seven months and over must have made some decrease
in their stock of provisions ! And the loss of the flag-
ship ? Herrera continues dumb ; for him the shortness of
food was owing to improper issue : where, then, when,
how they were improperly issued he does not say, and
has not a word more on the matter.

Let us come to the second point.

"He passed on, leaving on an uninhabited island Mendez,
Rojas,and Rodas, because he not only had ill-will towards them
but they had freely found fault with his government," Here
falsehood is accompanied with the purest hypocrisy. First, the
historian says the inhabitants of Patos supplied Cabot with
food, so that he was able to re-victual the ships ; consequently
the island was inhabited, and with good people. Then he says
Cabot left the three officers on an uninhabited island. But if
they were left at Patos, how can he say it was uninhabited ?
One would think the historian saw the contradiction and to
hide it, after mentioning Patos, instead of saying " here he left
the three officers," he uses the general term, island, with the
indefinite article so that the reader is naturally led to suppose
that it was some other place, and cannot but condemn Cabot's
cruelty, and pity the three unfortunates.

But the hardest part is the conclusion of the account, from
which I suspect that Herrera had no knowledge of the suit
afterwards brought against Cabot, and that his account is not
to be attributed to bad faith, but to the falsehood of the docu-
ments he had at hand. In that suit Catharine Vasquez,
mother of Mendez, in her XX interrogatory, and Rojas in
his VII, VIII, IX, and XII interrogatories accuse Cabot of
wanting to give up the voyage to the Moluccas for the Plata
in spite of the remonstrance of his Lieutenant Mendez and of
Captain de Rojas. Rqjas, in his 9th and 10th points accuses

196 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Cabot of having first tried to have him killed and then ar-
rested him because he opposed his wish to stop the expedition
at the Plata ; and again, in the 13th and 14th, accuses him
of refusing, in consequence of his unfortunate wish to stop at
the Plata, to go as Rojas wanted to go to the aid of Loaysa's
ships, which according to some, were lost in the Strait of Ma-
gellan ; and Catharine Vasquez for her son Mendez in her
XXIV and XXV interrogatories, and Rojas in his XXV, call
on Cabot to answer for the damages they suil'ered by his not
continuing the voyage to the Moluccas. And here Herrera, after
all these documents, after the public trial concerning them,
comes forward to say that Cabot did not proceed to the Moluc-
cas because his men would not follow him, and they would not
follow him because they feared he was not able to manage the
fleet in the strait !

When they left the Bay of St. Catharine they were still nearly
all sick, * but it seemed prudent to escape as soon as might be
from a climate which had been so severe on their bodies weak-
ened by fatigue and want of food. A change of air was
judged to be the best means of restoring their strength. But
on putting to sea so few were found fit for any work, and
even these so weak, that they were hardly able to manage the
vessels, f

CHAPTER XVIII.

Exploration of the River La Plata.

Arriving at the mouth of the Plata, before proceeding fur-
ther, we must remind the reader how far the knowledge of the
region Cabot stopped to explore, had then extended.

The first expedition which the Spaniards sent to the south-

* "Yten si saben que quando se enbarco la dicha gente, que casi toda ella es-
tava doliente . . . ." Int. xx of Cabot's proofs. The witnesses depose unani-
mously in accordance with the Interrogatory.

f ".... no podiau los marineros marcar las naos a causa de yr tan dolientes y
flacos."ix witness to the same Interrogatory.

THE PLATA DISCOVERED BY SOLIS. 197

ern seas of America, in search of a passage to the eastern
countries of Asia, was in 1508, and was led by John Diaz de
Solis and Vincent Yaiies Pinzon, the latter a former captain
of one of Christopher Columbus's ships on the discovery of
the New World. They went as far as the 40th degree of South
Latitude, but did not discover the great estuary into which the
River La Plata empties. Seven years later, in 1515, Diaz de
Solis returned alone to the same region, and to make sure of
his search he began to hug the coast from Cape St. Augustine
in Brazil, and went on step by step taking note of every bay
and harbor that he came to. In this examination he discov-
ered the great river which was afterwards named Rio de la
Plata. Its numerous sand banks and rocks prevented him
from venturing in with his vessels, but he thought the dis-
covery too important to leave altogether unexplored : and so
taking his long-boat he began to ascend along the west bank.
He had not proceeded far before he saw groups of Indians on
shore. Not being able to hold any communication with them
in words, a mute conversation was begun between the two sides
by signs, and Solis thought the Indians invited him to land ;
and as he saw them lay on the ground near their feet some-
thing they held in their hands, he concluded they meant to
say that they not only invited him to land, but offered him
every thing they had. Trusting his interpretations of those
deceitful signs, he ventured on shore, and not to excite sus-
picion, wishing, it is said, to capture some of the natives to
take to Spain as specimens, he landed poorly armed and with
few men. This first act of imprudence was followed by a
greater, when seeing the savages slowly retreating among the
tall trees of a neighboring forest, he followed them almost
alone. He had hardly entered the woods when a shower of
arrows was shot from concealed enemies, and before he had
time to lay his hand on his arms, he and all with him fell
dead. Then the hidden savages burst forth, leaping and yell-
ing with delight, fell upon them and stripped them, and then
dragging their bodies to a great fire outside of the woods,
roasted them at it, and in sight of the others who, beside
themselves with grief and fear, witnessed from the boat,

198 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the horrid scene, they devoured them with noisy pleasure.
When the horrible story was told on the ships, there was a
discussion what should be done, and it was decided to return
to Spain.*

Cabot on entering this estuary stopped at a small isl-
and called S. Lazaro, and remained there for a month
to give his men time to recover somewhat from their loss
of strength. In the meanwhile they were seeking for
information about the place, and they hailed with joy
the sight of a Spaniard, one Francis del Puerto, who had
taken part in Solis's expedition, and remaining there as
a slave after the sad end of the leader, had lived through
humiliations and sufferings beyond description. He not
only confirmed the tale of the great wealth of that re-
gion, but even pointed out the way to reach it. Encouraged
by his words, they took him to the ships as guide on
their voyage, and on May 6, 1527, they left S. Lazaro to
go up the river, f But they went away sick at heart on
account of those they left dead at S. Lazaro. The voy-
age from the Bay of St. Catharine to this island was only a
few days, % but the labor of that short navigation was
enough to cause the relapse of the convalescents, some of

* " Lo mataron, i comieron con todos los Espanoles que saco, i aun quebra-
ron el batel. Los otros que de los navios miraban alcaron anclas i velas, sin
osar tomar venganca de la muerte de su Capitan." Gomara, cap. lxxxix.

Herrera, Dec. ii, lib. i, cap. vii.

Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, Dec. iii, cap. x.

f " Senal a la magnitudo del rio y cuenta los muchos trabaios que pasaron
hasta llegar a un puerto que llamaron de S. Lazaro, donde se detubieron un mes
para informarse de la tierra. Un tal Francisco del Puerto, cautivo desde la
derrota de Solis, les enter6 de la mucha riqueza del pais y del camino que de-
ben seguir para dar con la referida sierra. Con esto el Capitan determino
salir de alii el 6 de Mayo." From the narrative of Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

" . . . . e se fueron el Rio arriba por la gran noticia que tenia un ombre que
hallaron en el dicho Rio de Solis que dezia que aviapor el Rio arriba grand
fama que avia mucho oro y plata."

Answer to the xx Int. of Cabot's proofs.

X "Salieron deste puerto que llamaron St. Catalina el 15 de Febrero de 1527
lleirando despues de seis dias a St. Maria punta a la desembocadura del Rio de
Solis." Ramirez, ib.

STAY AT S. LAZARO. 199

whom died on the way ;* and others after arriving at S.
Lazaro. f But not all were able to depart : the most of them,
from sickness or loss of strength, were unable to stand
another voyage, and had to be left on the island for further
care and rest ; for which reason they gave the island now
used as an infirmary, the name of the well-known saint
in the Gospel. But even those who went, between the sick-
ness and famine they had gone through, were so sickly
and weak that on sailing they had not enough strength
to hoist two anchors out of the water, with their stocks
entangled in the aquatic plants of the river. +

Cabot's course up the Plata is all involved in obscurity,
and the few intimations the authors here and there give us
of his voyage do not always serve to direct our steps, but some-
times by their mutual contradictions, rather increase our
embarrassment. I will try my best to advance on their
dark and dangerous road ; and if at times the reader shall
not find me exactly collecting these intimations and
putting them together in the order he would like, I beg
him beforehand to mitigate the rigor of his judgment by
the thought of the difficulty the matter presents.

Herrera says nothing of the island of S. Lazaro, and
from the mouth of the Plata transports us directly to the isl-
and of San Gabriel, thirty miles further up. Here Cabot
left the ships and began the ascent of the river in long-boats.§
The information received from the Indians showed the Para-

* "despues yendo por la mar, algunos dellos que yvan enferraos murieron."
x Witness to the x Int. of Cabot's proofs.

f " Se murieron en el dicho Rio muchos e que se fueron a una ysla que se dize
san lazaro e que alii estovieron cieitos dias e que ansymismo se murio alii
mucha gente." Answers to xx Int. of Cabot's proofs.

Three other witnesses repeat the same thing.

X " Yten si saben que por falta de gente que como dicho estava doliente
se dexaron dos anclas y dos cubos de la nao santa maria del espinar por los
escobenes en el dicho Rio de Solis porque la gente estava muy doliente y no
tenian fuerca para travajar ni sacar las dichas auclas." xx Int. of Cabot's
proofs. All the witnesses answer in the affirmative.

§ "Metiose en el Rio de la Plata, subio descubriendo por el, y a poco mas
de treynta leguas dio en unaisla que llamo San Gabriel." Herrera, Dec. iii, lib.
ix, cap. 3.

200 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

guay as the shortest course to the gold mountains.46 He con-
tinued therefore the ascent towards the Paraguay, and not more
than seven leagues beyond San Gabriel he found on his right
an affluent with good depth of water at its mouth. He ap-
proached it with the design of stopping there, but the natives,
aware of his intention, quickly gathered in a great multitude
and prepared to oppose him. The small number of the Span-
iards and their extreme weakness would have made them
avoid the labor and danger of an encounter. But Cabot
quickly perceived that prudence at this moment would have
been taken for fear; they would have been too elated, and
their savage minds have acquired too much confidence for new
attacks ; and a sudden check on their first attempt would have
produced a very bad effect on the Spaniards already disheart-
ened and weakened by so many causes. He therefore ordered
an immediate onset. f The brave savages fought valiantly,
but their valor had to yield to the skill and weapons of the
Spaniards. One particular related by the historian Gomara
shows the fierce mirth of the savages. In the battle they had
killed two Spaniards, and might have carried them off to eat
them as they were accustomed to do with their enemies ; but
they would not, saying scornfully that these were soldiers, and
they had learned from Solis and his companions, what kind of
meat they made.J After driving back the Indians they se-
cured the place with a small fort to which they gave the name
of San Salvador. §

The vicissitudes of the voyage from the island of S. Lazaro

* "Oy como segun informacion de los mismos indios el camino mas breve
para ir a la sierra era eutrar por el Paraguay." Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

f"The natives bad collected and made a very formidable sbow of resistance,
but Cabot vvitbotit respect of peril, thought best to expugne it by one meanes
or otber, wherein his boldness tooke good effect as oftentymes chaunceth
in irreataffayres." Eden, fol. 316.

f'En el puerto de S. Salvador .... le mataron los Indios dos Espanoles i
no los quisieron comer diciendo que eran soldados que ia los havian probado
en Solis i sus companeros." Gomara, cap. lxxxix.

^"Surgia alii, y con los bateles siete legtias mas arriba descubrio un rio, que
11 uno San Salvador, muy hondable, y seguro puerto pari las naos, liazia la
misma costa del Brasil, adonde metio su armada .... Levauto una fortaleza
. . ." Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap 3.

HE ASCENDS LA PLATA. 201

to this place are not known, but they could not have
been few, nor slight. Ramirez mentions them in a few, but
significant words : " Both they and the others underwent
great trouble and hunger." The others, to whom he refers, are
the sick left at S. Lazaro. As soon as Cabot had got his
little fort of San Salvador ready, he sent the galiot to
S. Lazaro to fetch the sick, who leaving the island on Au-
gust 25, 1527, reached the fort of San Salvador on the 28th. *
Here they all remained together till the end of the year
to regain their health and strength. But for many their
rest came too late, and the fort of San Salvador was also
afflicted with many deaths. Cabot, in his defense, mentions
that he was obliged to remain on the Parana more than
half-a-year to give the sick and convalescents time to re-
cover, but does not say where or when this Avas.f From
the indications furnished by Ramirez there can be no doubt it
was at this time at Fort San Salvador. Hither were trans-
ported the sick and convalescent from S. Lazaro ; and
the state of those who came with the ships is shown
by their abandoning two anchors at that island from in-
ability to weigh them. This was the time when the general
condition of the men made it necessary to take a rest. It al-
so agrees with the calculation of time. We have seen that the
galiot sent to S. Lazaro to fetch the sick made the passage
from that island to San Salvador in three days. Cabot must
have taken a little longer, for the galiot went over an explored
and safe course, whereas he was making the voyage for the first
lime, and therefore had to move with caution, and slowly, on
an unknown way. But, as the passage was short, the difference
cannot have been great. Consequently, as he left S. Lazaro
on the 6th of May, we ran not be far out in thinking he

* '' Unos y otros padecen muclios trabajos y bambres, liasta que el general
mando la galeota para conducir la gente y azienda de S. Lazaro, de donde
salieron el 25 de Agosto para llegar el 28 al nuevo sitio desde el general habia
hecho asiento y una fortaleza para la defensa." Rnmirez., App. xxxvii.

f " Yten si saben questava la dicba gente doliente en el Rio de Parana,
que entra en el dicho Rio de solis mas de medio afio convaleciendo de la
dolencia que avian tenido en queen este comedio murieron mucbos dellos."
xxii Int. of Cabot's proofs.

202 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

reached San Salvador in the second half of May. Then as
the first stop recorded after San Salvador is New-Year's
Island, where he arrived on the first day of 1528, * we have
from his arrival at San Salvador till that at New- Year's
seven months. Subtract from this the time spent in as-
cending the Parana from San Salvador to New- Year's, and
you will have the half-year and more, that Cabot tells of.

Biddle quotes from Hakluyt the directions of an Anony-
mous author for the navigation of La Plata, in which after
mentioning the five mouths which the Parana empties
through, he uses these words to indicate the distance from one
of them : "From the isle of Martin Garcia unto St. Salvador is
nine or ten leagues. This is an island which standeth two
leagues within the first mouth where Sebastian Cabot took posses-
sion"* The island of Martin Garcia is at a short distance from
the San Gabriel group which are nearly opposite to Buenos
Ayres, only a little more to the north, and so called after So-
lis's Pilot who was buried there. :j: And as it is clearly apparent
from Herrera's words that he speaks of an island of San Gab-
riel, standing alone, by itself, and he must, under the name of
San Gabriel, mean the group of five islets instead ; Biddle
suspects that the Spanish historian, from want of exactness,
meant by San Gabriel the island of Martin Garcia, misled by
its nearness to that group. He is brought to suspect this by
Eden's account which says expressly that De Solis was killed in
attempting to take possession of the island of Martin Garcia,
and that it was the same afterwards carried by Cabot.§ Finally
Herrera himself says that from the place where Cabot on his
arrival left his ships to the river which he called San Salva-
dor was a distance of seven leagues. Now the Directions re-
ferred to put the distance from the island of Martin Garcia to
the Port of San Salvador at nine leagues ; but the same Direc-
tions say that the Port was two leagues beyond the mouth of
the river. And as Herrera is speaking of the mouth of the
river, deducting the two leagues from there to the port

* This will be seen later. f Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 729.

% Eden fol. 316, and App. xxxix. § Biddle, bk. i, ch. xx, p. 150.

FIRST ATTACK BY THE GUARANIS. 203

there remain exactly seven leagues, as Herrera has it. This
fully confirms Biddle's suspicion. It is not a matter of any
historical importance, but still it ought to be noticed.

Leaving Anthony deGrajeda at San Salvador in charge of
the fort and the ships, Cabot with the boats and a caravel en-
tered the Parana on his way to the mouth of the Paraguay. *
Both banks of the river were inhabited by the Guaranis,
"a warlike, treacherous, and haughty people," says the
Spanish historian, " calling all slaves that are not of their
language, with whom they were always at war, in which they
were very bloody and cruel, killing all they could and spar-
ing no man his life. . . . Great bands started out and cross-
ing all the lands of the nation, extending more than five
hundred leagues, they came to the land of Peru, and after do-
ing great destruction, returned victorious to their home : but
some of them remaining in the mountains there, continued to
do great damage." f This account of Herrera's, stripped of
the sentiment of lofty contempt which the white man felt for
the natives of the lands he discovered, and reduced to its true
proportion, means that the Guaranis were a noble people that
would endure no masters, not less fearless to meet the
enemy openly than crafty in catching him in ambush and
snares ; but themselves intolerant of a yoke, they were over-
bearing in imposing it on others, and without pity or mercy
for a conquered enemy.

" Levanto una fortaleza, dexando en ella alcuna gente, y con la demas en
los bateles y caravela deterniiuo de descubrir a quel no." Herrera, Dec. iii,
lib. ix, cap. 3. "Continuaron pues el viaje dejando la fortaleza a cargo de
Oregorio Caro." Ramirez, 1. c.

Caro's name in Ramirez is certainly a mistake in copying, for we shall have
conclusive evidence further on that Anthony de Grajeda was commandant of
the fort, and that Gregory Caro was in command of another fort much higher
up.

f "La mas principal generacion de Indios de aquella tierra son los Guaranis,
gente guerrera, traydora, y sobervia, y que Hainan esclavos a todos los que no
son de su lengua, con los quales sempre andavan en guerra, en la qual eran
muy sangrietos, y crueles, matando a quantos podian, sin tomar hombre a vida.
y ... salieron grandes companias, y caminando portodaslastierras de sunacion,
que se estenden mas de quinientas legiias, llegaron a tierra del Piru, y despues
de aver hecho grandes destruyciones, se bolvieron vitoriosos a su naturaleza :
pero quedandose algunos en aquellas sierras, hizieron siempre grandes dafios
. . . . " Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. viii, cap. 12.

204 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

At the sight of the strange people ascending their river, the
fierce savages raised their undaunted fronts and rushed to
arms. Ramirez gives no details ; he only says that on the first
day of the year 1528, the Spaniards stopped at an isle, to which
they gave the name of New-Year's from the date of their ar-
rival, and from there Cabot dispatched his Lieutenant, Michael
Rifos, with thirty-five men to pacify and punish the tribes
that thought of rebelling against them, and that Rifos obtained
a complete victory and returned with great booty.*

No one will wonder that so fierce a people should let them-
selves be so easily beaten by a handful of ours, if he con-
siders that the poor savages met the enemy with naked
breasts and primitive arms, whilst ours, besides being well
protected and governed by sense and discipline, also carried
fire-arms. As these arms, less by wounds and death than by
the noise and flash of their discharge, always carried at first
into the disordered multitude of the savages an impression of
invincible terror, -they could not have failed of their effect on
this fearless people who had never before seen or heard them.
This first experience of the power of the strangers seems to
have made them cautious of provoking a second. I say seems,
because Ramirez puts their defeat at the island of New- Year's,
but does not say where that Was, and omits entirely fort San
Espiritu which Cabot raised on the Parana. Herrera gives
the fort, but omits New- Year's and the combat. But as the
Spanish historian expresses it in these words : "Sebastian
Cabot, after making peace with the Guaranis, built the fort
of San Espiritu while it lasted, "f it seems to me that the
expression, after making peace, naturally presupposes a war ; and
so interpreting events and localities in the order that appears
to me most natural, I have placed the stay at New- Year's im-

* " Continuan pues el viaje . . . y llegar a la isla Ano nuevo este mismo riia
1528. Desde aqui mando el cap : gen : a Miquel Rifos con 35 hombres para apac-
iguar y castigar a los tribues que trataban de rebelarse contra ellos . . . Con-
sign ase la completa victoria, y el rico botin que adquisieron ..." Ramirez,
App. xxxvii.

f " Aviendo heclio Sebastian Gaboto la paz con esta generacion (Guaranis)
mientras la pudo conservar, fabrico la poblacion de Sanctus Spiritus que dixeron
la fortaleza de Gaboto." Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. viii, cap. xii.

CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES. 205

mediately before the raising of the fort. It is true, Herrera
in another place surrounds the raising of the fort with
different circumstances, but the two sets of circumstances are
not incompatible with each other and may very well have oc-
curred together. This other passage is as follows : "At
thirty leagues' distance (from San Salvador) he came to
a river called Zarcarana, where he found a people of good in-
telligence and made another fort, which was called Sanctus
Spiritus, and for another name the fort of Gaboto (Fort Ca-
bot)." * In my view, Cabot, after defeating the Guaranis, and
forcing them to terms, resumed his advance by the River, and
further up, at the mouth of one of the numerous affluents that
run into the Parana, where the situation and the population
seemed to him better fitted for the establishment of a small
fort, he stopped and built the fort of San Espiritu. The
Zarcarana was afterwards named the Terceiro by the
Spaniards. But the reader must not, on hearing the term
fort, suppose it meant in the usual sense : for Cabot's forts' were,
and could be, only huts or groups of huts more or less
secured on all sides by banks of dirt, stones, wood, any thing
to prevent a sudden attack by the natives. This, which is
easily enough imagined of itself, is expressly stated by Diego
Garcia, in connection with the very fort constructed at this
place. f He left Gregory Caro in command of a small garri-
son in this fort, and continued his exploration.^;

These garrisons, small as they were, for a few men with the
terror of their arms sufficed to keep the Indians in suspicion
and dread, were a constant and serious drain on Cabot's
strength already much reduced ; but prudence demanded he
should secure his rear by keeping continually before the eyes

* ** A treynta leguas de camino llego a uno rio que se llama del Zarcarana,
hallo gente de buena razou, hizo otro fuerca, que se lhimo Sanctus Spiritus,
y por otro norabre la fortalezade Gaboto." Herrera, Dec. iii, lit). ix,cap. 3.

f " . . . es esta casa una casa que tenia lieclia de paia Sebastian gavoto que
la tenia por fortaleza e llamavala la fortaleza de Santf Spiritus ..." Relacion
y Derrotero de Diego Garcia. App. No. xxxviii.

X The appointment of Caro and Grajeda as commandants of the two forts
wik be made clearer by documents later on.

206 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

of the Indigenes a salutary terror in those little forts, and have
in them a safe refuge in case of misfortune, and a sure and
quick means of communicating with his ships. «

On occasion of the battle fought near the island of New-
Year's, Ramirez tells of a custom of those savages which de-
serves mention. At the death of one of their sons, as a mark
of the sad loss suffered in his death, they cut off a finger ; and
as often as a new loss of the kind occurs they make a new am-
putation from their hand.*

The two banks of the river which they were ascending were
thickly peopled : this is unanimously attested by Ramirez,
Ramusio, and Herrera. But of their customs and condition,
Herrera only says "they were a very intelligent people :"f
and Ramusio gets out of it with these few words : "Finding the
country always beautiful, with inhabitants without end,
who ran to see me as a wonder.J Ramirez seems to speak of
them in more detail in his narrative, but the abstract which
I have only mentions the mere fact.§ Ramirez also hints
at great suffering from hunger endured by the Spaniards from
scarcity of victuals. [

On reaching the junction where the Paraguay and the Pa-
rana unite their waters, Cabot chose what seemed the larger,
and was the Parana ; but when he found it taking him east-
wards he suspected he might find himself in Brazil, a Portu-
guese possession, and went back and entered the Paraguay. T
The few hints given by one of Cabot's interrogatories on the

* ". . . la rare costumbre que los Indios tenian de cortarse undedo a la mu-
erte de sus hijos." Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

f "Hallo gente de buena razon " Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3.

% Narrazioni e Viaggi, T. i. fol. 415.

§ This abstract every now and then says : "Habla luego de las diversas tribus
comarcanas, sus costumbres, productas de la tierra etc." and even in this place
mentions that there is a description of the customs of the peoples they met.
Sec App. xxxvii.

| "Durante este viaje . . . faltaron harabres por la escasez de viveres." lb.

1" "De alii fue descubriendo el rio arriba de Parana que es el de la Plata :
hallo en el muchas islas y rios : y siguiendo la mas corriente, al cabo dedocien-
tas leguas Uego a otro rio, al qual llamau los Indios Paraguay, dexo el rio grande
a mauo derecha, pareciendole que se iva declinando hazia la cpsta del Brasil."
Herrera, 1. c.

SUFFERING FROM FAMINE. 207

trial, joined with Ramirez's narrative, afford us aglimpse of one
of the most terrible moments recorded in the history of famine.*
We have already seen from Ramirez that before reaching the
mouth of the Paraguay the galiot was in great distress for
food : the hope that the longed-for mountain which held such
treasures was not far off, and the trust that the region further
on must relieve their despair, had kiept them up ; and from
the very rage of hunger they drew breath to increase their
labors for the purpose of ending their sufferings. But when
they entered the Paraguay things were at the last extremity.
Food had given out altogether on the galiot, and no appear-
ance of relief of any kind was apparent on either side of the
river. They ate the most unclean animals, they chewed the
wildest plants :f many called on God for death, no longer able
to endure their torments % A sad event occurred to heighten
the horror of thoir condition. Having stopped the advance
of the galiot, Cabot made some of the men land to see if they
could find in the woods and the deserts of that land something
to relieve their hunger. At evening they returned, all except
a young boy. To comprehend the grief with which they
noted his absence, we must remember the brotherly union
as of one family, which exists between those of the same ship,
especially in lands very far from home ; and remember that
they were in entirely new regions, where the character of the
inhabitants and the nature of the animals roaming in the
dense forests rising lofty and impenetrable on either bank,
were alike unknown. Great fires were immediately lit, that
their brightness in the obscurity of night might serve as a
beacon to the straggler : from time to time in the deep silence

* The Interrogatory is the xxvi, but as it is too long to insert here entire I give
only a little bit of the witnesses' depositions. For Ramirez, see next note.

f "Llegan por fiu a abocarse con el Paraguay porelqualseencaminan. yen
el que los trabajos y el hambre se duplicar, a causa de haberselescoucluidos por
complete) los viveres, viendose precitados a comer los animales mas immundos
y las plantas mas agrestes." Ramirez, 1. c.

J". . . . avian padescidocn el camino mucha hambre, edeseavau todoslamu-
erte antes que la vid;i por queste testigo se la oyo demandar a Dios a muchos
dellos por no pasar el travajo y hambre que pasavan/' VI witness to said In-
terrogatory.

20S THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

reigning over all the land they shouted, discharged their fire-
locks, and guns, to warn the unfortunate one in which direc-
tion were his brethren. But the night passed without any
one appearing. In the morning Cabot sent out a band of
men who pushed through the thick woods, calling their
brother, and making the forest and the mountains near echo
back their shouts and the sound of their fire-arms. But even-
ing came and they went back tired to the galiot, with no
trace of the lost one. The next day Cabot sent the same band,
which moved about all day hunting and calling by every pos-
sible means ; but no one was seen, no one answered.* Cabot
could not yet move on and abandon that boy of his ; but the
officers got around him and begged and conjured him to do
so ; that he had done every thing possible to recover the lost
boy ; his not answering so many calls was a sure sign he
was either dead or hidden in the woods so deep that he could
neither hear them nor find his way out ; perhaps the wild
beasts had already torn him in pieces, or surely would do so,
shut up and lost in the inextricable maze of the forest ; let
him consider the desperate straits they were all in, and not
leave all to die of starvation for the thin hope of finding the
lost one. Their remonstrances were only too just and well-
founded : and the galiot was ordered to proceed on her course, f
But if they all followed obediently the will of a captain
who led them into such great sufferings, in their secret heart
many, and perhaps most, cursed him, his discoveries, and the
mountains he pursued and which fled ever further from them.
The interpreter and head of this discontent was
a certain Francis de Lepe who, cautiously dropping
a word about their desperate condition, and finding the

* The fact is narrated with great detail in the second interrogatory annexed
t<» Sebastian Cabot's proofs. The witnesses, some of whom were not only present
like t lie rest at the occurrence, but were part of those sent to find their lost com-
rade, confirm and add new details to Cabot's account,

t" entonces los oficiales de su mairestad dixeron al capitan general que se
fuese por aue no peresciese tod a la geute porque si alii estovieramos toda la
gente se destruyera y muriera de harnbre." II Interrogatory annexed to Ca-
bot's proofs.

Execution of lepe. 209

soil ready for the seed, began to talk with some of the most
trusty of them about seizing the brigantine which followed
the galiot, and going off on their own account where at least
they could get something to eat. There were with the Span-
iards some Indians brought as guides and interpreters, and the
hunger they were suffering from gave more torture to these poor
savages, accustomed to obtaining the little food necessary for
their frugal wants with all ease from their fertile lands, than
to the Spaniards. So that it was not hard for Lepe to bring
over some of them to accept the charge of guiding the de-
serters to where there was plenty of food, whether they actually
knew where to find it, or only made promises in order to escape
from present agony. The interrogatory puts the number of con-
spirators at thirty-five, one witness says forty, an extraordin-
ary number considering the necessarily small number on the
galiot. But the safest way is to hold to what the other wit-
nesses are contented with saying, and call them indefinitely
many. Among so many it was too difficult to preserve secrecy.
In fact one Lewis of Leon, a sailor, to whom it was proposed to
take part in the flight, did not refuse, but moved, as it seems,
by a strong sense of duty, disclosed the affair to the Chaplain,
with whom he was accustomed to converse, and to whom con-
sequently he could tell it without exciting the suspicion of the
others, begging him, to give immediate warning of it to the
Captain. Cabot after hearing it, and receiving from the sailor's
own mouth more exact information, arrested Lepe and the
others named as in the plot, and gave them a brief trial :
the accomplices he punished in various degrees ; and com-
manded the chief to be hanged at once.* The wretch died
resigned saying : " As I pay for all, I wish you all a good voy-

* "francisco de lepe y otros...querian yr a buscar de comer que stava alii uno
o (Ins yndios que yvan con ellos en un vergantin que beran natnrales de a
quella tierra que lesdixo que Ins llevaria presto en tierra donde hallasen de co-
mer e yuan de villa fuente le dixo a este testigo... e queste testigo entonces lo
dixo a un capellan de la dicha armada que hera su compafiero para que ledi-
xese al dicbo capitan generate quel dicbo capitan general le llamo e se ynfonno
deste dicbo testigo de In que sabia e queste testiiro le dixo lo que sabia e que
despendrio al dicbe francisco de lep*» v a ntros muchos e hizo su ynformacion
y ahorco al dicho francisco de lepe." VI wi ness to the xxvi Interrogatory.

14

210 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

age."* This promptness and severity in punishing had a
terrifying effect on all and none durst try it again.

But strong as Cabot's determination was to continue this
course in the hope of soon finding some spot to relieve
their hunger, he was forced to admit that it was no lon-
ger possible to trust to the uncertainty of hope without plac-
ing himself and all the rest in great risk of dying of hunger.
He therefore stopped the galiot, and sent back the brigantine,
as fast as they could row, to get victuals at some huts they had
passed on their way. The place was at a good distance, but
their own necessities and the danger in which they had left
their comrades added strength to the rowers, so that they
were soon at the village. They refreshed themselves, loaded,
and departed ; and the quickness with which they returned
was marvellous, f

Restored by the food brought by the brigantine, they re-
sumed their way with fresh vigor towards those gold
mountains, which seemed to grow ever more distant, but
whose existence received fresh and surer confirmation.

Further on, they found a population much more numerous
than the others, of which they had heard already on their
way, and the chief who ruled them, by name Yaguaron, was
one of the most powerful on that river. They had been told
a great deal in his favor, but the reception he gave them sur-
passed their anticipations : they were treated with great
courtesy and friendship, and furnished bountifully with food.
They stayed there several days, for the needed rest, and gave
the place the name of Santa Anna.J These people were in
the habit of wearing in their ears rings and little plates

* "oyo este dicho testigo decir aldicho francisco de lepe quando lo llevavan
ahorcar que pues el avia sido culpado y pagava por todos que dios diese bueu
viajo " Deposition of the viii witness.

f " Para remediar tan urgente necesidad manda el capitan un vergantin atodo
remo en busca ue bastimeutos a unos caserios bastaute distantes, volviendo al
poco tiempo bien provistos." Ramirez I.e.

% "Con esto pudieron llegar a diclio pueblo que se hallaba reirido por un indio
principal llamado yaguaron el qual lea ricibio muy bien y los proveyo de
abuudautes viveres. En este puerto que recibio el uombre de S. Ana estubieron
algunos dias." Ramirez, 1. c.

ENCOUNTER WITH THE AG ALES. 211

of gold and silver : and this sight was full of comfort
and hope for the Spaniards. Not satisfied with ascertaining
from them where they obtained these metals, Cabot sent
Francis da Puerto to the neighboring populations to make the
same inquiry. The information brought back was that about
seventy leagues further on there was a people called Chan-
dules, from whom they got the ear-rings and plates in exchange
for other articles they gave them. Their joy on hearing this
was increased on learning that this people dwelt near the
chain of mountains from which those metals were dug. They
therefore set out again on their way, panting for a speedy ter-
mination of their labors, and the fulfilment of their hopes.*

To hasten their arrival at those longed-for places, Cabot
sent forward the brigantine under the orders of his Lieu-
tenant-General, Michael Rifos, to explore a river called Nep-
etin which according to the Indians had its source in those
mountains. The mission of Rifos had a most unhappy re-
sult in an encounter with a people called the Agales ;
but the abstract of Ramirez in its extreme brevity leaves
us uncertain how it happened. But as after the encounter
Cabot came to a determination which decided the future
of the whole expedition ; and Herrera also mentions a
battle after which Cabot made the decision which Ra-
mirez puts after the encounter of Rifos, there can be no
doubt that the combat related by Herrera must be that
of Rifos. This settled, with the assistance of both writers,
we will put together, as well as may be, the last act of
this most unfortunate expedition.

Herrera relates that at thirty-four leagues from the mouth
of the Paraguay they found for the first time a "laboring peo-
ple."! Then all the other populations hitherto seen were true

* " .... ycomo vieron que los Indios Ilevaban oreyeras y plancbas de oro
y plata, quisieron saber de donde lo traian asi los deste pueblo como los
de otro immediate) a donde si mandoa Franco del Puerto. Este pudo averiguar
que los cbandules, pueblo distante casi 70 le<rnas, se lo daban en cambio de
otros obietos. Determina el general continuar el viage hasta los mismos cban-
dules, que segun desian se liallaban cereanos a la sierra. . ." — Ramirez, 1. c.

t " . . . y entrando por el a las treynta y quatro leguas, hallo gente la>
bradora, que hasta entonces no la bavia visto < . . "—Herrera. ib.

212 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

children of the forest, whose wants were supplied by the
natural fertility and abundance of the land, and they lived
together with that broad liberality and community of goods
which existed among the savages discovered by Christopher
Columbus. Hence perhaps one of the reasons why the
navigation along the river had met no other obstacles
after the combat at the Island of New- Year's, was that the
inhabitants of both banks accustomed to find easily and
naturally in the free products of their land wherewith to
satisfy their wants, saw no harm or danger to their food
and maintenance in the strangers' arrival. But it seems
that the Agales by the sweat of labor forced from the soil
what they required for living, and therefore must have had
very definite notions of mine and thine : although others took
no umbrage on seeing strangers come down on their land and
carry off the products which the land freely gave to all, a
very different impression was received by the Agales who had
sweated to bring them forth. To this we may perhaps add
that this people very far from the place where the Spaniards
had made the Guaranis feel the power of their arms, knew
little or nothing of that fact, and therefore had no reason to
stand in awe of the foreigners.

This was the people among which Michael de Rifos arrived
with his brigantine. The Spaniards, feeling secure from the
pacific behavior of the people hitherto met, went quietly on,
and three of them went ashore to gather dates, as they had
been in the habit of doing without danger or interference all
along the way. But here they were suddenly attacked by
the natives and all three killed.* So far as appears, Rifos
did not think he ought to land immediately and revenge
this wrongful act, influenced by the necessity of having the
population friendly in order that they might reach the
mountains and obtain the treasures they were dreaming of.
He therefore approached the main population with signs of
good friendship ; and at first he was well received ; but after-

* "Y le tomaron tresque avian ydo a cortar palraitos para comer." Herrera,
Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3.

CABOT TURNS BACK. 213

wards, as they feared, says Ramirez, to be punished for the
slaughter they had done ( and this slaughter I think was of
the three killed as told by Herrera), they treacherously slew
Rifos, with some of his men. At this sight, the rest, livid
with fear and anguish, rushed at once to the galiot which,
owing to the peculiar nature of the river, was following at a
distance. *

From the words of Ramirez it seems that Rifos had im-
prudently landed with a number of his men, and they were
massacred whilst standing unsuspicious in face of the good
reception they met. But they died not unavenged, according
to Herrera, who says the Spaniards slew many of them. But
if they had slain many hundreds, the slaughter of the enemy
could not compensate the loss of the twenty-five men they left
there, f Cabot's entire strength on leaving Europe was 200
men, to which were afterwards added a few Christians found
at the Bay of St. Catharine. % Now of these men of his, many
died at that bay, many in the crossing to the Plata, many at
San Lazaro, many at San Salvador.§ If the adjective, many,
is taken in the restricted sense of a score or less, the small
number becomes very large, taken in relation to the whole
number of the men. Two had been hanged, three deposed and
left at the Isle of Patos, some remained with Grajeda to guard
the ships in the harbor of San Salvador, others were in
garrison with Gregory Caro at Fort San Espiritu. There could

* " Tratan de celebrar paces con el pueblo de los agales, y al principio son
bien recibidos, pero como temieseu los Iudios ser castigados por las muertas
que ante habian hecho, matan traidosamente al teniente del vergautin Miguel
Rifos con algunos suos volviendo los reslantes tristes a la galeota, que les ha-
biaseguido desde lejosy con difficultad por las condiciones especialesdel Rio."
Ramirez — App. xxxvii.

f "Alii se bizieron tan grande resistencia que no pudo passar adelante, mato
muchoslndios, y le mataron veynte y cinco Castellanos." Herrera. Dec. iii, lib.
ix, can. 3.

X Tbe reader may remember that Martin of Biscay who was banged on the
Parana was one of those taken along from the Bay of St.. Catharine. However,
the greater part of tbe fifteen Christians found there continued to remain in that
place, as will be clearly seen a little further on.

§ Not to repeat citations, the reader is referred to what was said in Chapters
XVII and XVIH.

214 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

therefore, only have been few who followed Cabot on the ex-
ploration of the river. From these few, taking now twenty-five
away, what force had lie left to meet future dangers and secure
control of the gold mountains? Indeed, he found himself with
thegaliot in such danger from the small number of men at
his disposal, that he was forced to release and arm for the
common safety those he was taking along as prisoners for
their complicity in Lepe's plot.* In addition to this, a rumor
was brought from the river that a Portuguese fleet was
advancing by the Rio de Solis. f How was he to face this new
enemy ? It was a fresh torment to his feelings to behold his
plans again destroyed ; and that, too, just as he reached out
his hand to pluck the palm of victory. But the necessity was
pressing, and no human force could oppose it. And he gave
the command to retreat.

CHAPTER XIX.

Diego Garcia.

Returning now down the Parana we meet another explorer
coming up the river on the same exploration as Sebastian Ca-
bot is making. He belonged to a very common class of ex-
plorers abounding in the XVI century, and but for his con-
nection with Cabot history would not probably take note of
him. But he made a narrative of his voyage, and speaks there
of Cabot ; and as his words inspired by bitter enmity towards

* "El dicho capitan Caboto llevava presos con grillos a ciertos ombres que de-
zian que beran en el motin e que despues los solto a causa que los yndios le
mataron los cristianos que yvan en vergantin."— I witness to the xxvi Inter-
rogatory of Cabot's proofs.

f "El desgraciado esito de esta espedicion y el saber que andaba una armada
portuguesaen el rio Solis fueron motivos para que el general determinase vol-
verse rio abajo hasta el Parana."

Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

" Alii pen so en dar la buelta."

Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3.

garcia's expedition. 215

him, were greedily picked up by Cabot's enemies and became
bloody weapons against him, this has given a certain impor-
tance to his voyage, and wherever Cabot's work on the Plata
is spoken of there is always mention of this other explorer and
of their meeting. Who he was, how, and for what purpose he
was sailing, was told and printed as long ago as 1601 by Her-
rera. His name was Diego Garcia, and he is the same person
mentioned in our XVI chapter as a braggart and coxcomb.
He was born at Moguer, a little Spanish city on the Tinto a
short distance from Palos, whence Christopher Columbus
sailed on his first discovery, and he was sailing for the account
of a modest Spanish company.* But in spite of this open and
decided declaration, Charlevoix has built a story all invention
from the bottom up. He has made of Diego Garcia a Portu-
guese general, and says he was in Brazil, a possession of the
crown of Portugal ; that as soon as he knew of Sebastian Ca-
bot's voyage up the Plata, apprehensive for the neighboring
possessions of his country, he hurried across the provinces of
Brazil to cut off his road. But Cabot, learning of his ad-
vance, quickly got his men together and descended
the river in all haste, to put himself in safety. And
all this he embellishes with a series of bold deeds and
adventures as strange and surprising as in a regular sensa-
tional romance, f It is incomprehensible how Charlevoix,
pretending to write history, could believe or invent such tales
when he had his way clearly marked out in Herrera. His
error was the cause, I believe, of even the way Biddle made
a false step or two; for he likewise makes Garcia a Portu-
guese, in spite of Herrera's distinct assertion. But if he errs in
this, in all else he adheres to the Spanish historian's account.
But acute as he was in dissecting every question that undertook
to treat of Cabot, having no aid from any documents that
could throw any light on the obscurity of this exploration,
as he saw the figure of Diego Garcia, appearing like a vision
now and then ; he fixed his gaze on that and thought of it till

* This will be reported to better advantage a little later.

f Charlevoix, Ilistoire du Paraguay. Liv. i, p. 26.et suiv.— Paris, MDCCLVI.

216 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

he seemed to see in it something mysterious. And with this
notion, starting from the point that he was a Portuguese, he
whets his ingenuity by accumulating argument upon argu-
ment to convince the reader that Diego Garcia was an agent
of Portugal sent to follow Cabot, to watch his course, to aid the
rebels in the expedition in their work, if necessary, and if oc-
casion offered, even take the command of it in order to
divert it from the Moluccas and keep it on the American
coast.* And his reasoning is so close and strong as easily to
convince the reader who has no other source of information.
Instead of stopping to refute Biddle's reasoning, since new ar-
guments have stripped the figure of Garcia of its mysterious
appearance, and reduced it to its very poor proportions, we
shall only remark that Diego Garcia sailed from Spain more
than five months after Cabot, and at such an interval between
them he surely could not have been sent to help the rebels.

We are able to complete the imperfect information given
by Herrera with Garcia's own narrative, an authenticated copy
of which we have before our eyes. Although defective
in many places, in the part which we are concerned with it is
almost entire, and enables us to follow with security the course
of his navigation.

Some Spanish gentlemen, with Don Ferdinand de Andrada
at their head, formed an association for the exploration of the
river discovered by John Diaz de Solis, and applied to
the government for the necessary approval. This was given,
with an obligation annexed that the expedition should also go
in search of John Cartagena and the French priest whom Fer-
dinand Magellan had deposed and abandoned at the strait
which afterwards took his name.f Diego Garcia was placed at
the head of this expedition.

* " This expedition, under the command of the Portuguese, was hastily got
up to watch his movements, and probably to act in concert with the disaf-
fected, with an understanding as to certain points of rendezvous in case the
mutineers should gain the mastery . . . ."—Lib. i, cap. xvii, p. 128.

f "El conde D. Hernando de Andrada y otros se ofrecieron de hacer una
armada, y embiarla a la parte del Mar Oceano Meridional. ... en la parte que
dezian el Rio de la Plata y aviendo canitulado con el rey, se concertaron que
Ilevasse a su cargo esta armada Diego Garcia, vezino de la villa de Monguer,

garcia's expedition. 217

The expedition sailed from the port of Coruima, where
it was fitted out ; left Cape Finisterre, according to Garcia's
narrative, on the 15th of January, 1526; according to Herrera's
history the 15th of August of that year.* The difference be-
tween the two dates is enormous, and the preference
would naturally be given to Garcia's authority. But as Diego
Garcia sailed from Corunna to the Canaries to victual his
vessels, and sailed from the Canaries according to his own ac-
count and Herrera's on the 1st of September, it seems rather
difficult to believe that he was seven months and a half
taking in provisions. Consequently, I am inclined to think
that in Garcia's narrative there is a mistake in the name of
the month, and prefer Herrera's date, as he had other docu-
ments by which he might have corrected any error in the
narrative. In mentioning his departure from the Canaries
on the first of September, Garcia calls attention to his wisdom
in choosing a season for sailing to the southern lands of the
New World, and contrasts with his vaunted knowledge the
ignorance of Sebastian Cabot, who with all his astrology did
not know the difference of time in the course of the seasons
there and in the New World, and consequently did not know
enough to choose the proper season for sailing to those parts, f
We have already seen in its proper place how unjust and
uncalled-for this charge against Cabot is, and how foolish

con el qual se hizieron ciertos capittilos entre los quales fue .... que

.... procurasse por todas las vias possibles de buscar a Ivan de Cartagena, y
al clerico Frances, que en su conipania dexo Hernando de Magallanes." —
Herrera, Dec iii, lib. x, cap. i.

* " Sali de la corniia que alii me ftie entregada la armada por los oficiales de
su magestad que fue de mile quinientos e veynte e seys a quinze de enero del
an<> parti del Cabo de Finisterre."

Relation de Diego Garcia.

"Partio Diego Garcia a quinze de agosto de este aiio (1526) del Cabo de

Finisterre y. . . .salio de las Canarias a primero de Setiembre." Herrera,

Dec. iii, lib. x, cap. i.

f " . . . nos partimos en primero d<- setiembre del dicbo ano porque entonces
esta el sol en calma a treze de setiembre porque va a hacer verano en la parte
que nos y vamos a descubrir . . . y esta nave<:acion no supo tomar Sebastian ga-
bot con toda su astrulngia tomo lacontraria como ombre que no. . . . nada."
—From the Narrative of Diego Garcia— App. No. xxxviii.

'218 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

and false was Garcia's boast of his wisdom ; and it is not
necessary to add any thing here.*

From the Canaries he passed over to the Cape Verde Isl-
ands, where he took on more provisions;f and from there he
sailed towards Cape St. Augustine.;]; Here he boasts again of his
ability in overcoming the currents which are met in that cross-
ing, and derides the ignorance of Cabot who did not know
enough to do the same.§ But, as we remarked in another
place, he does not tell us how or in what Cabot was at fault ;
he derides and passes on.| From Cape St. Augustine he
sailed to Cape Frio, thence to the Bay of St. Vincent, and
thence to the Plata. T

On arriving at the Plata, he stopped his ships at its mouth,
and putting together the brigantine which he took along in
pieces, he began with that to go up the river, and so came to
the harbor of San Salvador where Sebastian Cabot's ships were.
Anthony Grajeda, who was guarding them, at the sight of the
brigantine, thought it was Rojas and Rodas and Martin Men-
dez who were coming with sinister intentions, and with some
canoes and an armed boat advanced boldly against him ; and
they were on the point of battle when Garcia recognizing Gra-
jeda, was aware that they were Sebastian Cabot's men, and,
making himself known in turn, animosity and fear ceased on
either side.**

* See cb. xvi.

f ". . . . tomamos la derrota delas islas de cabo verde . . . y alii tomamos
mucho Re fresco . . . de t<>das las cosas que uvimos menester . . . — " Ibidem.

% "Desta ysla de buena vista herimos vela en la buelta y demands del cabo de
san agostin."— lb.

£ ". . .estecaminose ha da mvegar con grande resguardo y saber de raarineria
porque ay grandes corrientes que salen delos rrios de guinea que abaten los
navios ala vanda del uuruester que van corrientes a las yndiasde castilla estas
corrientes no supo tomar Sebastian caboto porque no era marinero ny sabia
navegar." — lb.

|| See ch. xvi. f lb.

**"En las islas de las Piedras surgieron y armaron el bergantin que llevavan
en piecas.con el qual fueron el rio arriba ... y ... vieron dos naos de Sebastian
Gaboto, cujo Teniente era Anton de Grajeda, que salio con ciertas canoas, y
un batel armados, pensando que eran los dos hermanos Rojas y Martin Mendez

que ivan contra el basta que Anton de Grajeda fue conocido de Diego

Garcia, yvan tomando las armaspara llegar alas manos ; y al cabo conocieron,
que era el armada de Sebastian Gaboto . . ." — Herrera, ibidem.

GARCIA JOINS GRAJEDA. 219

Grajeda gave Garcia a festive reception and told him the good
news he had just received of a great victory gained by Cabot
over the Indians with the death of more than four hundred
of the latter.* After this Diego Garcia returned to his ships,
and exchanged his largest ship for the brigantine of a Port-
uguese.

I must pause here to discuss the bargain at some length. To
the reader it may appear altogether useless and perhaps a
stumbling-stone in the narrative ; but it is not so : I rather ask
the reader to give it his attention, for further on we shall
have occasion to recall it, and it will aid us if we have the
fact well present.

Diego Garcia's narrative from his sailing out of Corunna
harbor to his arrival at the Bay of St. Vincent, except the
two places where he lays hold of Cabot, contains merely the
distances of the course sailed over, and the geographical posi-
tion of the different places, with special mention of those
where he renewed his supplies, and such as it is so far, it
will continue to the end. Only at the Bay of St. Vincent he
stops to tell something else. On this bay, which is in the 13th
degree of South Latitude, had lived for thirty years a Port-
uguese bachelor and he had his son-in-law with him.
Their occupation was hunting Indians and sending them to
Europe to be sold for slaves. Diego Garcia landed on this bay to
get fresh provisions for his ships, and remained here till the
15th of January of the following year, 1527. f As was natural,

Herrera almost always speak* of Diesro G ireia's voyage in (lie very words
of the Litter's narrative ; and therefore instead of quoting directly from the
narrative, I quote from Herrera, because in the narrative as it has reached us
there are many gaps.

* " . . . nos hizo mucha onrra dio nos nueva de su capitan general e como
a quel dia avia visto una carta suya en la qua] le avisaba como avia muerto
mas de quatrociento Yndios e que iba con srnn victoria por el Rio arriba
haciendo guerra a los yndio?."— Die<ro G-ircia's narrative.

t ". . . . de aqui fuemos adehinte e nlleeamos al cabo de Bant' Asrostin e
tome my navegncion la buelta del enbo frio. . . .e de aqui fuemos a tomar
Refresco en san vicente que esta en xiii sr idos ....

" . . . . alii estuvimos hnsta quinze de enero del afio sycuiente de xxvii
e aqui tomamos mucho refresco de came e pescado delas vituallas de la

220 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

while here he saw and became acquainted with the Portuguese
bachelor and his son-in-law, and had many opportunities of
talking with them. In these conversations they came to a
profitable agreement. The Portuguese had on hand a fine
supply of 800 slaves, but the harvest was useless to him for
want of the means of sending them to market to Europe.
The big ship of 100 tons which carried Diego Garcia suited
his purpose and he offered to buy it. Diego accepted the offer
and the bargain was made. In place of the ship he sold
Garcia bought a brigantine from the son-in-law of the Port-
uguese.

To Diego himself the contract must have seemed atrocious,
for he takes over a page and a half of folio to discuss it and
argue that he had not done wrong. His reasoning is, that
the ship on account of her size was wholly unsuited for the
exploration he was to make of a river, and that he had pre-
viously told Don Ferdinand de Andrada and his partners so
in Spain, and that they only intended to have her laden with
slaves; and he did so because they violated His Majesty's orders
concerning the conditions his fleet was to have, and did not
keep the agreements made and signed with him ; and that he
had the consent and approval of all his officers for the ex-
change of his largest ship for the brigantine.* But, either there
was not this approval, or if there was, the enormity of the act
seemed to him and his accomplices to render it necessary to
find some pretext to color the wicked bargain in the eyes of
their men. For it was determined that Garcia should sail on
the large ship as far as the mouth of the Plata, and the brigan-
tine should join him there and make the exchange. Why

tierra para provision de nuestra nave e acqua e leiia e todo lo que uvimos
menester." lb.

* " este baehiller con sus yernos hizieron con migo una carta de flete

para que la truyese en espana con la nao graiule oclocienios esclavos e

yo la hize con acuerdo de todos mys oficiales. . .que allegando en el Rio man-
daremos la nao, porque la. . . .no podia entrar en el rrio porque mucbas vecies

le dijo al contador Don Fernando e alos factores que aquella nao no podia

entrar en el rrio que her* miiv «rrinde y ellos no quisieron syno bacermela l!e-
var carsrada con esclavos e asy lo bize e asy la mando cargada de esclavos por-
que ellos no bizieron ny me dV-ron la armada que su raagestad mando que me
diessen lo que con ellos yo tenia capitulado. . ."—lb.

221

this delay in exchanging? At first sight it might appear to be
because the ship was excellently adapted for Ocean naviga-
tion and could not be used for that of the Plata; but Herrera's
words give us to understand otherwise. He says that Diego
Garcia, when he reached the mouth of the Plata and had
gone up the river some leagues with a brigantine, coming
back to his ships, "determined to exchange the largest below
the river, saying that it was in great danger from the squalls
which occurred at that season, making that a pretext for profit-
ing by the freight, which the Portuguese bachelor had paid
him for the transport of the 800 slaves that he had agreed with
him to carry to Portugal: and to give color to this cupidity, he
said that he had protested to Count Ferdinand de Andrada
that this ship should not have been given him, because it was
very large and of no use for the navigation and discovery of
the Rio de la Plata, and not according to the agreement with
the king; and so the ship was then taken to the port of St. Vin-
cent to take on the slaves." * Then the men of the expedition
would know nothing of the bargain concluded at St. Vincent,
if the squalls which they met on entering the Plata were put
forward as the reason for the exchange. And see how all the
circumstances unite to prove the fraud and artifice of Diego
Garcia's conduct. Cabot on arriving at the Plata entered it at
once with all his ships: Garcia ascended it with a brigantine
for about thirty leagues for a trial. Why ? In order that
on his return he might be able to say that the large ship
would be in great danger in that navigation, and it was nec-
essary to make an exchange. It had been settled at St. Vin-
cent that the exchange should be made for a brigantine, but
some excuse wTas required for the opportune presence of the

*" Bolviose Diego Garcia a sus naos y determino de embiar la rr^or fuera
del rio, diziendo que estava en gran peligro de las Gurupadas, que en aqnel
tiempo avia: toman dolo por ocasion para aprovecharse del flete,que le avia rie
pagar el Baehiller Portugues por el porte de ochocientos esclavos, que avia
concertado de traerle a Portugal: y para dar color a esta codicia dixo que avia
protestado al Conde don Fernando de Andrada que no le diesse esta nave,
porque era muy grande e inutil para la naveeracion, y descubrimiento del
rio de la Plata, y contra lo capitulado con el Rey ; y assi se fue luego la nao
al puerto de San Vicente a cargar los escluvos." — Herrera, 1. c.

222 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

brigahtine without exciting suspicion. And a pretext was
found in the bachelor's son-in-law, whom Diego Garcia said he
was taking as interpreter on his voyage. Really, any one
that reflects on it must think it very odd to take an interpreter
at St. Vincent for wholly new countries twenty-one degrees
further south. But a captain's authority can make very un-
reasonable things pass for probable. It was therefore settled
that this son-in-law should go with them as interpreter, and
should join them with a brigantine at the mouth of the Plata.
There might be a good deal said on this point too ; for it is
rather strange that the interpreter, instead of going at once on
board of the ships with them, should make a voyage by him-
self of twenty-one degrees to join them. But as we know not
how the matter was colored, it only remains for us to mention
it, and pass on. Lo ! now, all seems chance and luck. The
squalls, the too large ship, the brigantine providentially ar-
riving in the nick of time : and so the exchange must ap-
pear to everybody fair and reasonable.

The exchange made, Diego Garcia took all his ships to the
spot where Cabot's were, and anchored alongside of them.
Then with two brigantines and sixty men he proceeded tow-
ards the Parana ; and so he came to Fort San Espiritu, which
was, as has been said, merely a house thatched with straw and
put as far as possible in a state of defence under the orders of
Captain Gregory Caro. Diego Garcia had been very friendly
with Grajeda at Fort San Salvador, seeing him with two ships,
and a considerable armed force ; but when he sawr what a mean
hut Fort San Espiritu was, and how few men were there on
guard, he assumed the tone and airs of a conqueror, and sum-
moned Caro to give up the fort to him, saying that the explor-
ation of the River de La Plata had been entrusted to him. Caro,
as a frank and loyal officer, answered "that he held the place
in the name of his Majesty and Cabot ; but in all else was
ready to do him any service in his power." This resolute an-
swer silenced at once Garcia's arrogance.* Coming thus into

*"Haliamos alii un gregorio euro e 1« requ< rimos que se fuese de aqu<il;i
conquista porque uo hera suya, eel nos Responclio muy bieu, dijo que todolo

GARCIA AT SAN ESPIRITU. 223

friendly relations, Caro told Garcia there was a rumor among
the Indians that Cabot, who was a good way up the river,
had met with a severe defeat by the Indians, with the loss
of many of his men, and therefore if Garcia continued on up
the river he begged him to ransom the Spaniards he should
find captured by the natives, and he would repay the price of
their ransom ; and, if he found that Sebastian Cabot was dead,
not to abandon him in that place.*

Now see the boast Garcia durst make of his navigation
from Fort San Espiritu to Port St. Ann ! We are in that long
tract of the river in which is the island of New- Year's, where
Cabot was obliged to stop, to fall upon the Indians, who
were either muttering rebellion or had already revolted, in his
rear. Cabot would naturally ascend the river step by step, be-
cause the road was altogether new, and it was therefore neces-
sary to examine every spot, treat with the Indians, quiet their
suspicion, gain their affection, awe them or fight them, as the
case might require ; all this must needs consume much time.
Garcia, on the contrary, had the way already opened, the river
safe, because already examined by Cabot's ships, no danger
from the inhabitants, because they were held in awe by Cabot's
forts and the memory of his weapons ; so that Garcia could
move with safety and at his ease. With all this difference in
circumstances Diego Garcia has the boldness to brag that he
travelled in only 27 days over what took Cabot five months^

obedecia e que stavan en aquelln cas-i por »u masestad e por Sebastian gavoto
e que estava a mi servicio." Die^o Garcia's narrative.

•"e dio nos nuevas de su capitan que le habian diclio los yndios como el
capitan sebastian gavoto hera arriba desbaratado e muerto mucba crentey que
me rrogava que si albino hallase por aquella parte donde yva descubriendo que
lo Rcscatase que el me pa-aria e] Restate e que se encnmendaba mi merced
que sy fuese su capitan muerto que no lo dejase en e] Rio que lo saoase"— lb.

Ilerrera by an oversight has channel Sebastian Cabot's rout into a victory :
-"que si subiesse porel rio, proeurasse de reseatarl <>^ Cast -llanos que ballast
) resos, porque aunquesabia que Sebastian Gaboto avia desbaratado loslndios,
era impossible que no huviessen peliirrado algunos ; y que el pagariaelrescate,
V que si hallasse muerto a Sebastian Gaboto, le rogava que nolo dexasse alii
— •" Dec. iii, lib. x, rap. i.

T 'De alii me parti viernes Santo por la maiianay en veinte esiete diasanduve
tanto quanto auduvo Sebastian caboto en cinco meses." From bis narrative.

224 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

There is nothing surprising in such a stupid boast coining
from a conceited braggart like Diego Garcia ; what surprises
us is that a grave historian like Herrera should pick up even
this stone to throw at Cabot. *

A hundred leagues beyond the fort of San Espiritu, Diego
Garcia joined Sebastian Cabot at the port of St. Ann, which,
as set down by Garcia himself, is in 28° South Latitude. f
Besides the testimony we have seen from Ramirez, Diego Gar-
cia's own narrative, although very worn in this place, shows
that Cabot's defeat occurred higher up. J We must then sup-
pose that Cabot retreated to St. Ann after his loss, to recuperate
under the friendship of the good Prince Yaguaron.

Of his meeting with Sebastian Cabot, Garcia does not give
one word, but Ramirez has something on the subject. The
Portuguese fleet which was rumored among the Indigenes to
be coming up the River de Solis, the report of which had been
one of the causes of Cabot's retiring, turned out to be only
Diego Garcia's brigantine. The doubt and alarm were quickly
turned to joy when they saw their brethren, and it was at once
proposed that they should unite, and with abundant supplies
ascend the river : but for whatever reason, the good intention
was not carried out; and the two captains, separating, followed
each his own course on returning. §

Cabot, on arriving at Port San Salvador, put a caravel un-
der sail, and with her sent two of his officers, Ferdinand Cal-
deron and George Barloque, to the Emperor. It seems that
in his coiLste"1! loss of men, and the condition of his expedi-

* Doc. iii, lib. x, cap. i.

f'Llegaron cien leguas mas arribadela casafuerte al puerto de Santana,que
»sl 'liuno Sebastian Gaboto, adonde le mataron hasta veynticinco hombres. "
Herrera, ib.

"y este rio esta en xxviii grades y esta de Santa Ana que hasta aqni des-
cu brim os." Dieeo Garcia's narrative.

t"e desenbrio Sebastian irabotoe hasta nueve leguas por el paraguay arriba e
de aqui dos lugores le mataron la primera gente que traya "

The text is very worn here.

§ " hasta al Parana, donde encontraron otra armada del emperador, cujo
capitan Diego Garcia de Moguer, trato de unirse a nuestra armada para volver,
bien pertrechados a la dicha sierra ; p<>r al tin no liubo convenioentre a los gen-
erales, siguiendo cada cual rumbo distinto."— Ramirez, 1. c.

GARCIA MEETS CABOT. 225

tion growing daily more desperate, he had sustained him-
self with the hope of reaching the treasures of La Plata, and
thus accompanying the news of his stopping on that river
with the dazzling announcement of those riches. The Span-
ish people and government, in that case, would have over-
looked the failure of his expedition, and even blessed his decis-
ion to cut it in halves- And he, far from sinking in public es-
teem, would have gained an increase v>f respect and authority.
But his defeat had rendered it absolutely impossible,and the re-
fusal of Diego Garcia took from him his only means of suc-
ceeding ; and he then decided to send to Spain to reoort to
the government the state of affairs, and to ask for aid.

He gave the two officers a letter for the Emperor, in which
lie explained the sad events of the voyage, and the
causes which had made him cut it short. He spoke of
his determination to explore the river discovered by Solis,
of the different provinces he had already been through,
and of the different races of people dwelling in them, and how
great wealth could be got from them ; and asked for men and
means for colonizing the territory. In support of his account
and of his demands, he caused some Indians and various
specimens of the products of the land to be taken on
board, with samples of silver, a little gold, and other metals.*

*"y aviendose topadocon el (Garcia con Cabot .), se bolvi r>n juntos adonde
esttiva Gregorio Caro : y de alii Sebastian Gaboto escrivio al Rev, dandole
cuenta oe su viage : y ia causa porque no avia continuado la navegacion a la
Especieria : y de Lis miichas provincial que avia descubierto en aquel rio de
la Plata, y diversas generaciones de Yndios que avia en aquella tierra, del
qua] se podia esperar de sucar muy grandes riqiiezas : y con esta relacion
embio al contador Hernando Calderon, y a Jorge Baroque". Traxeron en urio
de sus navios algunos Yndios y muestraa de lo que avia en la tierra, y plata, y
algun oro, y otros metales, pidiemio gente, y licencia para poblar."

Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. i, cap. i.

— " mandan a Espana a Nersi Calderon y Rosel Barco con una carabda y
algunos presentes de oro y plata, para que expongano a S. M. las necesidades
de la armada y nianden pro veer lo necesario." —Ramirez, App. xxxvii.

Tiie difference in the two officers' names is not so likely owing to a"*mistakc
in copying as it is to the difficulty iu making out the original letter of
Ramirez.

I 15

226 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

CHAPTER XX.

Cabot's Return to Spain.

At the end of October in that year (1528) the two officers
appeared in Toledo, and made known their mission to the Em-
peror.* The idea of colonization was very well received, and
the Merchants' Company of Seville was invited to share in
the expense that would be incurred. But both then and after-
wards, in spite of all solicitation, the merchants refused all fur-
ther contributions. The failure of their project of trade with
the Moluccas, made them hostile to any proposal with which
Sebastian Cabot was connected. + Then the Emperor, whose
hopes had been raised by the report of the officers and the
sight of the objects which they brought as samples, assumed
the entire cost himself, and gave strict orders that it should
be provided at once, it being too important to secure imme-
diate possession of lands already of vast extent,with the prom-
ise of still more if the possession of the first was secured. X But

* Hrrrera, Dec. iv, lib. i, cap. i. The edition consulted by me gives the year
as 1527 ; but this is an evident error, whether an oversight of Herrera's or a
mistake in printing.

t "y porque los armadores avian gastado su parte en aquella armada (que
no avia ydo a la Especeria, que era el flu con que lo avian hecho) y era justo
que no perdies-en el gasto, les mandio embiar la copia de quanto Sebastian Ga-
boto escrivia, para que si quisiessen embiar el socorro que pedia platicassen so-
bre ello, para part icipar del provecho, donde no, le avisassen porque su Majes-
tad estava determinado de mandar hazer el gasto para este socorro por entero,
quando los armadores no lo qui-iessen por su rata. . .Los armadores de Sevilla
en todo esto afio se resolvieron en no hazer lo que el Rey pedia, porque avian
gastado mas de diez mil ducados y no esneravan Men del provecho que ofrecia
Sebastian Gaboto." Herrera, Dec. UT, lib. i, cap. i.

f'En Sevilla se hazia por orden del Rey gran diligencia para que los arma-
dores de los navios que llevo Sebastian Gaboto contribuyessen en el gasto del
socorro, que se avia determinado que se le embiasse al rio de la Plata: y porque

THE SEVILLE COMPANY REFUSES AID. 227

the imperial will encountered an obstacle stronger than all
his power. Just at this time his financial distress was extreme.
At war with the Pope, with France, and with Venice, he had
armies everywhere ; and in face of the enormous expense of
arming and maintaining such hosts, his ordinary revenues
were exhausted, and the courts of Castile firmly refused to
grant him extraordinary subsidies.* Meanwhile the armies
were mutinous and threatening, because their pay was in ar-
rears : and the only expedient to quiet them was to deliver the
property and persons of the wretched populations to their fury
and greed. Let it suffice to recall the soldiery of the Con-
stable de Bourbon and the pillage of Rome. It was precisely
at this time of extreme pressure that Charles V made the sale
of the Moluccas to Portugal, as related above, notwithstanding
the cries of wrath and sorrow raised throughout Spain, f

In this state of affairs, instead of providing for further
expenses, it was much to carry on the most urgent public
service of permanent necessity. So days went by, and
weeks, and months, and nothing was put aside for the cost of
the La Plata colonization.

Here would be a fit place to stop awhile to consider Cabot's
operations on the Plata, and his letter to the Emperor would
be our best guide. But unfortunately this is either lost al-
together or lies hid among the archives of Spain. The chart
which he made of that country, and which would at least
have furnished great aid in tracing his route and the extent
of his exploration, is also lost. Hence we are confined to

se resolvieron de no gastar mas en aquella empresa, el Rey mando que se
hiziessen las provisiones a costa de la Real bazienda ; y por mucho que se en-
tendia que convenia embiar a quel socorro, para conservar el dominio de
docientas leguas de tierra que se avian descubierto ..." Id. Dec. iv, lib. viii,
cap. 12.

* Robertson, Hi<t, of Charles V. Book v. Feb. 11, 1527.

f "El Rey de Portugal . . . bolvio allevar el negocio p<>r otro camino aprove-
chandose de la necessidad en que vio die estava el Emperador de dineros . . .
cu Zaragoea a veynte y dos de Abril deste anno (1529) los mesmos Commis-
sarios celebraron carta de venta . . . con pacto de retrovendendo perpetuo por
precio de trezientos y cincuenta mil D i<ad>s" — Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. v, cap.
x.

228 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the few notices gathered here and there in the Spanish his-
torians as our only guides in following his labors and
enterprise. This chart, according to the testimony of Eden,
showed that "From the mouth of the river, Cabot sayled
up the same into the lands for the space of three hundreth
and fiftie leagues as he writeth in his own Garde."* Ramusio
is, therefore, mistaken in saying 600. f Herrera gives a long
list of the populations discovered by Cabot, and ends by
saying that he omits the names of 27 others, differing in
name, language, and customs, for fear of being tedious.^ He
says nothing in particular of any of them, except the Gua-
ranis, who were the principal race of Indians in those regions ;
so that we are unable to form even an approximate idea of
their importance : but, even supposing that many of these
populations were small in number and occupied no great ex-
tent of territory, still taken all together, with their different
customs and language, they must have extended over a vast
region, and the work of exploration among them performed
by Sebastian Cabot must have been immense. When, a few
years later, a dispute arose between Spain and Portugal for
the possession of some of the regions of the La Plata, Spain
brought forward a long enumeration of tribes, its rights over
which it defended on the ground that Sebastian Cabot
had built forts on their lands, exercised there civil and
criminal judicature, and brought those populations under the
authority of the Spanish sovereigns.! His efforts to ascertain,
as far as possible, the condition of the tribes and lands farther
in the interior, are attested by the information he gives
on the invasion of the Guaranis in Peru, and that which
he obtained from them regarding that rich country.)

*Eden Dec. fol. 316.

t " lo volsi navigare (La Plata), et andai all' insu per quello piu di seicento
leghe." App. xix.

\ " Passados estos ay veynte y siete naciones d nobres, y lenguas, y ccsi
diferentesritos, quepor no dar molestia se dexan de nombrar." Herrera, 1. e.

S " Que Sebastinn Gaboto avia edificado en aquellas tierras fortalezas e ex-
ercitado iusticia civil y criminal, y traido a la obediencia Real todas las
sobredichas generaciones." Herrera. Dec. iv, lib. viii, cap. ii.

| " Y aviendo hecbo Sebastian Gaboto la paz con esta generacion ....

EXTENT OF CABOT S EXPLORATION. 229

Of the experiments made in cultivating the soil, we need
no testimony to assure us, considering that Cabot had
entered that river on account of his want of provisions, and
therefore was under absolute necessity of obtaining from the
soil the means not otherwise procurable. But we have express
record of it in Gomara and Eden.* Herrera speaks of it, re-
lating the marvellous productiveness of some animals
brought there from Europe. f Sebastian Cabot himself refers
to it in the legend or inscription which he affixed to those
places in his chart of 1544. We have already mentioned this,
when speaking of the great distress to which his men had
been reduced ; but, as it is short, it will be well to gi\a the
inscription here in full. "The people," he says, "on reaching
this land, wanted to know if it was fertile, and fitted for the
cultivation of grain, and in the month of September, they
sowed 52 grains of corn, which was all they could find in the
vessels, and in the month of December, they gathered from
them two thousand and fifty grains ; and the same fertility
was found with all other seeds." f

Of his method of acting towards the Indians, we can
only glean a hint here and there in the Process. To the
charge of wilfully remaining in La Plata, he opposes
ten witnesses who testify that he never undertook any thing
of importance without first consulting his officers. One
of the witnesses, whose charge it had been to call the officers
to these consultations, firmly asserts that this was done both at
sea and during their residence on shore.§ The 28th interrog-

con el amistad destos supo muchos secret os de la tierra, y buvo de ellos
oro y plata de la que trayan del Peru." Herrera, ib. ib.

* Gomara, cap. lxxxix.— Eden, fol. 255-317. f Herrera, ib. ib.

^". . .la gente en llegado aq 11a terra qniso connoscer si era fertil, y aparejada
para Library llevar pan y senbraron en el mes de setiembre lii £>ranos de tigro
q no se alio mas enlas uaos y cogiero lueso enel mes de deziembre cinquenta
y dos. mill granos de tigro, q esta misma fertilitad se hallo en todas las otras se-
millas." V. App. No. xxxix.

§ " Yten si saben quel dicho Sebastian caboto ... no faziacosa alsruna sin
que primero lo consultase con los capitanes e oficiales . . ."V Pregunta de la
Probanca de Seb. Caboto. All the witnesses answer it in the affirmative. The ix,
the one referred to in the text, deposes : "todas las cosas que. . . hazia lo hazia
con acuerdo de los oficiales . . . por queste testigo por mandado del dicho

230 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

atory speaks of his great diligence as well in the govern-
ment of the expedition as in laboring to provide for all
its wants. The 29th shows equal diligence and care in
relation to the Indians whom he wished every one to respect
and treat with kindness, and the nine witnesses called unani-
mously confirm the truth of the interrogatory. And while he
was solicitous for their welfare, he was equally severe if
they were wanting in their duty and took advantage of the Ind-
ian's simplicity and feebleness. We have seen the fate
which Francis de Lepe met in Paraguay for attempting to
incite his companions to mutiny and rebellion.* The same
fate befell one Martin of Biscay, one of those left in the Bay
of Saint Catharine from the ship of Don Rodrigo de Acufia
in Loaysa's expedition, and who afterwards joined Cabot's
fleet. This Martin, accustomed to going about freely amongst
the Indians of that bay, with no other restraint than his own
discretion, found it hard to submit to the regular discipline of
the expedition ; and when on the Parana, suffering from
hunger, he joined a companion from his own province,
and both together entering an Indian cottage, first threw down
and beat the owner, then carried off every thing they pleased,
and finally seizing a canoe and forcing two Indians to row it,
they fled, and escaped by land to another tribe. Cabot,
ascertaining their place of refuge, sent a band of his own men
and of Indians together, to take him by surprise, and on
capturing him, hanged him in a summary fashion, f Indeed
his severity went so far that we, with our customs, should
think it cruelty and barbarity. To clear him from such

capitan yva allamar a los dichos oficiales para ello e los vio platicar sobre las
cosas que haviau de hazer ansi en la mar como en la tierra."

* See ch. xx.

f " Yten si saben quel dicho Sebastian caboto marido justiciar a dos ombres
. . . uno dellos entro en casa de uno yndio principal e le ciio de palos e le ropa
todas las vestes que tenia que eran unos tirus de pano de lana que viene de la
tierra dentro e una canoa e llevava dos yudi<>s por fuerca e se yvan a unos in-
dios que beran nuestros enemigos ..." Preirunta xxvi de la Probanda de Seb.
Caboto. The particulars indicated are by the vi, viii, & ix witnesses : the vi
says : "el dicho capitan general avia enviado aotros yndios que los traxesen ;"
and theix "enbio aciertos cristianos e yndios trar el y le traxeron ..."

MARTIN, THE BlSCAYAN, HANGED. 231

stain, we must remember what wild times those were, and in
what a desperate condition he was, so that he was forced
to become unfeeling in order to make his authority respected
and feared. This Biscayan, as he was hoisted on the gallows,
fell to the ground, the rope around 'his neck breaking ; when
raised up, in the condition which may be imagined, he cried out
with all his might : "Mercy ! Mercy I" Cabot sent for another
rope and ordered him again to the gallows.* Another who
was caught stealing public stores, and on the point of fleeing
with what he had stolen, had both ears cut off, as a punish-
ment, and as an example to others, f

The small number of men remaining, after deducting those
sent to Spain with the caravel, did not allow of his extending
further his explorations and discoveries ; and his whole aim
now was to keep the Indians in the favorable disposition to-
wards the Spaniards to which he had brought them, and to
prepare for the work to be done when the expected reenforce-
ments should arrive from Europe. But his best-laid plans,
the good order maintained amongst the natives and the Span-
iards, all the fruit of so many labors and sufferings were de-
stroyed in a moment by the licentiousness of a few bad men.

We saw from Ramirez that Cabot and Diego Garcia, unable
to agree on a joint course against the natives, took each his own
way, that is to say, each acted with his own force independ-
ently of the other. The Guaranis, among whom they remained
after the peace concluded with Cabot, endured the presence of
the strangers quietly and patiently, but the bad conduct of
Diego Garcia's men aroused their spirit and restored their nat-
ural ferocity. We are not told how nor why, but it is almost
certain that the trouble was about women, the principal cause
that always brought ruin on so many enterprises of discov-
ery. The offence rekindled in the Guaranis all their pride

*"Oyodecir quel dicho martin se avia eaydo de la horca o quebrado la ?o<ia
e que avia demandado misiricordia e que lo mando otra vez ahorcar el dicho
capitan general." vi witness.

t " Yten si saben que hernando calderon teniente del dicho Sebastian caboto
mando acotar a uno y cortalle las orejas por ladron." Pregunta xxvii de la
dicha Probanca.

232

THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

and bravery, and they wanted revenge. As they made no
distinction among the whites, but involved Cabot's men in
the same accusation and the same hatred with Garcia's, they
swore their extermination. Word being sent around as to the
day and hour, they assembled one morning at daylight in
great numbers, and assaulted, as it would appear, at the same
moment, the forts of San Espiritu and San Salvador, near
which the ships were at anchor. They conducted the attack so
secretly that the Spaniards, living in perfect tranquillity were
entirely crushed by the furious storm that burst suddenly over
them.

As usual, we are wholly in the dark as to the details of
the event. We are only told that the Guaranis' fury enabled
them to gain the forts and reduce them to heaps of ashes :
that some of the Spaniards were left there dead, and the rest,
finding themselves without the long-expected succor, dimin-
ished in number, in strength, and in means, in the midst of a
hostile and savage population, and without any hope for the fu-
ture, decided to embark and to leave.* But even their depart-
ure gives us a glance of a frightful accumulation of evils and
of sorrow. We shall soon hear him relate that he left at the
La Plata one of his ships and a part of his men, and one of
the accusations against him on his return was precisely this
abandoning of them. But how did it happen and why ?—
The charge naturally recalls the idea of blame, but nowhere
in the acts of the Process, which I have, although very long and
full, is there the slightest allusion to this abandonment, ex-
cept incidentally the simple mention by a witness that he was
one of those left at the Plata, f It is true that the part of the

*" Mantuvo Sebastian Gaboto dos annos el amistad de los Yndios Guaranis, y
aviendose quebrado por alirunas ocasiones que dieron los soldados que fueron
con Diego Garcia, en que Sebasian Gaboto no tuvo culpa, los Yndios, segun su
costumbre hizieron secretos llamamientos de gentes, y dan do al alba sobre la
fortaleza de Caboto, la quemaron, y lo mesmo hizieron de la poblacion que
avian hecho en el puerto qu ■ Hainan de S. Salvador, adonde estavan los navios,
ma tan do alsrunos Castellanos: los quales vie n dose sin socorro, y conociendo la
ferozidad de los Yndios, tuvieron por bien desamparar la tierra y bolverse a Cas-
tilla." Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. viii, cap. 12-

f "Dixo que. . . .viniendo este testigo con una nao e cierta gente quel dicho

ONE SHIP AND PART OF THE MEN LEFT AT SANTA MARIA. 233

acts which I have refers to other charges and not to this one.
But seeing that his enemies are intent as blood-hounds in
hunting every thing in his conduct, it does not seem to me
that if they could lay hold of any thing here they would have
lost the opportunity. Hence their silence is to me a proof that
whatever cause or motive forced Cabot to abandon a part of his
men, in determining to do so he was in no wise wanting in
his duty and fidelity as a good captain. I am therefore of the
opinion that this charge preferred as one of the grounds for
his arrest, was not followed up when in the course of the proc-
ess the circumstances were better understood. To explain
the fact of the abandonment, it occurs to me that part of the
men or one of the ships may have been so disabled by the sud-
den attack of the Guaranis as to be unfit to undertake with
the rest the labors and fatigue of a long voyage. And as I
find that at the port of San Vincente these men were regis-
tered as left at Cape Santa Maria, I believe that Cabot
brought all his men down the river, out of danger from the
Guaranis, and left them in safety near Cape Santa Maria. The
time that would be consumed in this transportation explains
the delay in Cabot's departure, which was decided on in the
council of officers on the 6th of October 1529, and we shall
find Cabot on his way to Port San Vincente only on the
22nd of March, 1530, six months after the affair of the
Guaranis.

At the bottom of Sebastian Cabot's proofs are two memorials
showing that at the port of San Salvador he took council with
certain officers of his fleet as to what should be done. A break
in the text prevents our reading the whole thought of Cabot ;
but from the context and what is said in the memorial
following it seems clear that it speaks of a council held after the
destruction of the two forts, in which it was discussed whether
as matters were, it was advisable to adhere to their former inten-
tion, or to yield to the force of events and return to Spain. This
council was held October 6, 1529 : hence there is no doubt but

sebaslian caboto avia dexado perdida en el Rio de solis la dicha nao aporto al
puerto de los Patos . . . ."— vi witness to xxii Iut. of the proofs of Vasquez.

234 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the catastrophe must have happened in the beginning of that
month or late in the preceding September. Cabot presented this
memorial in his defence.* The other memorial, which was con-
cisely drawn up to show His Majesty how, by whose fault, and
why, the fort of San Espiritu was lost, was prepared by Cabot
October 12, 1529, six days after the council of officers, who fore-
saw the storm that wTould be raised against him, and prepared
for it the best he was able.f

Charlevoix inserts in his History that when Cabot departed
from the Plata he left there a force of 120 men under
command of Nuiio de Lara ; and relates a series of strange ad-
ventures growing out of a violent passion which a savage
chief conceived for the wife of one of the principal officers of
the garrison. Where he obtained his information, he does
not tell us, and if asked, could probably have only indicated
his own fancy. Here as elsewhere, Charlevoix labors to
produce a romance, not a history. J

Before bringing Cabot back to Spain we must return to the
three rebels we left at the Island of Patos. By means of the
Portuguese on the coast of Brazil,they made it known in Spain
that they had been abandoned, and how much they had suf-
fered, and asked to be allowed to appear before the supreme
council of the Indies to defend themselves and show that they
had been unjustly dealt with. On this petition Charles V or-
dered Sebastian Cabot to take up these men, and either com-

* " Ay ciertos pareceres que Sebastian caboto tomo en el puerto de San
Salvador de algunos oficiales del armada sobre lo que avien de hazer syguiendo
el viaje .... presentola Sebastian caboto para su disculpa porque todos con-
cluyen que no se deve bazer tomose a seys dias de octubre de mill e quinieutos
y veynte y nueve aiios."

[Note the words in the Spanish : todos concluyen que no se debe hazer, "they
were all of opinion that it should not be done :" i. e. continue the voyage.
Tr.]

f " Ay otra ynformacion que hizo Sebastian caboto sumariamente para que
constase a su magestad como y a cuya culpa y porque causa se perdio la forta-
leza de santi spiritus (I think something is wanting here ; or else we should read :
'and the one he had made at the port of San Salvador ') que tenia hecha en el
puerto de San Salvador presentola Sebastian caboto tomose la dicha ynforma-
cion a doze del mes de otubre de mill e quinientos y veynte y nueve anos. "

X Charlevoix, Histoiredu Paraguay, lib. i, p. 29.

MENDEZ AND RODAS DROWNED. 235

ing himself, or sending a vessel, have them brought to Spain
that they might be heard.*

The delay in sending out succor, prevented Cabot from re-
ceiving the Emperor's orders, so that it was of his own accord
that, passing by the Isle of Patos on his return, he stopped to
pick up the three unfortunate men. But great changes had oc-
curred among them in the meantime. We are in the usual
darkness as to the course of the events, and only know their re-
sult, but this is enough for our purpose. Bitter hatred had
grown up between the Captain, Francis de Rojas, on one side,
and Martin Mendez and Michael de Rodas on the other ; and
was further inflamed by some of the Christians that had re-
mained in the Bay of Saint Catharine from Loaysa's expedi-
tion, and especially one Michael, a Genoese, who sided with
Mendez and Rodas. f One day that Rojas caught the Genoese
in an Indian's cottage, he rushed upon him and stabbed him to
death ;\ whether he killed him out of brutal malice, or the Gen-
oese had previously attempted the life of Rojas and the latter
wished to secure himself against a repetition of the attempt by
relieving himself of too dangerous an enemy.§ The fact is
that after this killing, Mendez and Rodas became very suspi-
cious and fearful of Rojas, and seizing a canoe with an Indian
they fled in it to seek safety in the Bay of San Vincente where
there were a number of Portuguese. But in the crossing the
canoe capsized and the three men were drowned. | Soon after,

* "Francisco de Rojas, Martin Mendez y Miguel de Rodas, por via de Portu-
gueses que estavan en la costa del Brasil avian echo saber al Rey el destierro
en que se hallavan, padeciendo mucho trabajo y necessidad, suplicando, que
se les diesse licencia para yrse a ptesentar en el supremo Consejo de las Jndias,
adonde mostrarian quau sin causa avian sido puestos en aquel peligro con
tanta afrenta suya ; y el Rey rnando a Sebastian Gaboto, que viniendo o em-
biando qualquier navio o qualquier capital) que viniesse en estos Reynos, los
traxessen para que fuessen oidos de justicia."— Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. iii, cap. i.

f "oyo decir. . .quel dicho francisco de Rojas e martin mendez e miguel de
Rodas avian tenido ciertas diferencia* sobre que los rebolvian y andavan mal
metiendo el dicho miquel srinoves y otros cristianos questavan alii."— vi tes-
fcigoalaxxvPregunta de la Probanda de Caboto.

X This is said by the 10th witness of the same interrogatory.

§ The 6th and 9th witnesses say so from hearsay.

|"Yten si saben quel dicho francisco de Rojas mato a miguel ginoves a puna-

236 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

it is not known when, Rojas also passed over to the same bay.
At Patos Cabot joined Diego Garcia who seems to have
arrived a little before him, also doubtless overcome by the
ruin brought on by the licentiousness of his men.* What
work he did in exploring the Plata after separating from
Cabot we know not, but it certainly amounted to nothing ;
for he was a man so full of himself and his deeds that he
could not have failed to mention it. But instead of that he
ends his narrative by saying that he went as far as Cabot,
discovered as far as Cabot discovered : and this is all his claim.
As to what happened afterwards he is entirely silent. + From
Patos they' went together to port San Vincente, and there on
Tuesday, March 22, 1530, Diego Garcia in the name of Se-
bastian Cabot notified captain Francis de Rojas, under pain
of life and loss of all his property, to appear within six days
on board of the ship Santa Maria del Espinar, at anchor in
the harbor of San Vincente, which was at that time the flag--
ship of Cabot's fleet, to be carried by Cabot to Spain and
brought before His Majesty and the royal council of the Indies
to give an account of his conduct while Captain of the ship
Trinidad. I know not why this notice was given through
Diego Garcia, and not directly by Cabot himself.;): And in

ladas e despues de muerto procuio de matar a los dichos martin mendez e a nii-
guel de Rodas e a hesta causa se hujeron del e se yvan al puerto de S. vincente
donde estavan muchos p.>rtogueses e se abogaron eu el camino." xxvi Inter-
rogatory of Cabot's proofs.

All the witnesses confirm the killing of the Genoese, and the drowning of
Mendez and Rodas, but none mentions the attempts which Rojas also male on
the life of both the officers, his enemies : indeed the ix relates that he had
heard that when Rojas learnt of their flight he said he was very sorry for it.

* 'a qui llego Sebastian caboto muerto de hambre en este tiempo que yo
estaba alii." Relation de Diego Garcia.

f " h ista aqui descubrimos e descubrio sebastian gavoto . . . . y esta es
la verdad que llegamos hasta aqui el e nosotros."

i"Io diego garcia capitan general por su magestad mando a vos along"
gomez varela escrivano de mi harmada que luego visto este rni mandamieuto
vayays a casa de gonzalo da costa portugues y notifiqueys un mandamiento
de parte del senor sebastian gavoto capitan general por on magestad al capitan

francisco de Rojas en su persona fecho en el puerto de san vincente

martes veynte y dos dias del mes de marco de mill e quinientos e trenta
anos . . ."

ROJAS REFUSES TO GO BACK WITH CABOT. _J7

order that Rojas should not refuse to go with him, under
the pretext that he could not trust him, Cabot pledged his
word and faith that he would present him unharmed before
His Majesty and the Council of the Indies, and offered to
give him any safe-conduct he wanted for security."* But
Rojas refused to recognize any authority of Cabot over him
after deposing and abandoning him on an island, said
that Cabot only wanted to lay hands on him to vent his spite
upon him for not having died as it was expected he would, and
protested that he was ready to appear before his Majesty with
any one else who was not under Cabot's power. So far the
conduct of Rojas can be understood and explained by the
natural course of passion, but hearken to the rest of his an-
swer. He said he was informed that they had left at
Cape Santa Maria 70 or 80 Christians, and among them
a captain and other officers ; therefore in the name of His
Majesty's service he demanded that Cabot should give him two
carpenters, one calker, five or six sailors, his chief pilot, and
tools, iron, powder, and whatever else was required to lit out
a ship, which he said he with one Gonzalez, a Portuguese, had
built, and which Gonzalez allowed him to use in any way and
for any purpose he pleased ; and he would proceed with it to
Cape Santa Maria to take up those that were left there. But as
the ship was not yet decked or calked, he needed what
he asked for.f

" Io Sebastian gavnto capitan general de esta barm ad a por su magestad que
al presents esta surta en este puerto de san vicente niando a vos francisco
de Rojas capitan que fuystes en esta armada de la nao trinidad de parte de su
magestad que veugays aqui rientrn desta nao santa maria de lespinar que a-
gora es capitana en esta armada para que yo os l)iel>e en espafia para pre-
sentaros ante de su magestad e de su muy alto concejo delas yndias para que
deys quenta y Razon de ciertas cabsas que contra vos fueron puestas . . ." — v.
App. xl.

* "e porque no dudeiss en la diclia vuestra venida yo osprometo y doy mi
fee y palabra de parte de su magestad de daros qualquien seguro que vos qui-
jerdes pedir y demandar para la seguritad de vuestra persona hasta pre-
sentarosante de su magestad 6 de su Real Cons'j > d lis Yndias." In.

f "lie sydo ynformado como quedaron en el cabo de santa maria basta setenta

o oclienta cristianos entre los quales ay capitan y oficiales de su magestad

pido y Requiero. . . .para aver de Redemir a questa gente dos carpinteros y un

238 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

As to the persons said to have been left at Cape Santa
Maria, Rojas undoubtedly alludes to those Cabot had been
obliged to leave at the mouth of La Plata, as we have related.
That Rojas exaggerates in putting the number at seventy or
eighty seems to me evident, when we consider the number
dead at Santa Catalina, San Lazaro, and San Salvador,
those that perished in the long navigation of La Plata, those
killed with the lieutenant Rifos, and the others lost when the
two forts were burnt. To these must be added those previously
sent to Spain with the two officers Calderon and Barloque,
and those who were now returning with Cabot ; and it is eas-
ily seen that there could not be still seventy or eighty re-
maining out of the two hundred who were all he had on
starting.*

To this first service Rojas offered to add another which
would repair in the interest of Spain a very serious blunder,
or rather crime, committed by Cabot. We must dwell awhile
on this point.

When, accompanying Diego Garcia on his voyage to La
Plata, we reached the Isle of Patos, we said that when he came
to speak of that place, he began with fresh fury to abuse the
name of Cabot, but merely mentioning the matter then, we re-
served for another place this new impudence. Here is the
place to discuss it. Rojas said, then, to Cabot : "They have told
me that at the Isle of Patos you took four Indians, which has
put the whole country in a state of fear and agitation : now, as
this concerns the service of His Majesty, I offer to carry back
those four poor savages to their island, to quiet that port and
have peace with its inhabitants." f We will presently tell what

Ciilafate y cinco oseys marineros y el piloto Enrique patimer pues no le abeys
menester por ser vos piloto mayor y asy mistno pido y Requiero sefior Se-
bastian gaboto me deys hierro para que yo haja clavaron y otrascosas de Res-
gate que para el diclio viaje hemos menester y quatro bercos con sus opareios
e quantitad de poivora. . . .el qual dicbo nabio le falta de bazer la cubierta y
calafatear Dido y Requiero el dicbo senor Sebastian gavoto me de lo que dicbo
. . . . " See App. xl.

* See App. xli.

f— "me an dicho que en la ysla de la baja de los patos tomastes qmitro
yndios por lo qual la tierra toda queda alborotada y atemorizada y porque

FOUR INDIANS SEIZED AT PATOS. 2o{3

concerns Diego Garcia in that deed ; but first there is this to be
remarked on the score of Francis de Rojas, that immediately
after speaking of these four slaves taken by Cabot at Patos, he
mentions that the Emperor had permitted the captains and offi-
cers of this expedition to take two slaves each ; and as he in his
character as captain of one of the ships had availed himself of
this authorization, he requested Cabot to take his two slaves
on board, carry them to Spain, and consign them to his heirs.
If he refused, he protested that he would exact damages from
Cabot's person and property. * I do not know of any such
authorization of the Emperor as related by Rojas, of which
there is no hint or mention anywhere, but which is in open
contradiction with the public orders expressly given and re-
peated by the Emperor to respect the freedom of the Indians.
But as there are only too many proofs that while the public
orders said one thing, they tolerated privately another, I am
willing to suppose that authorization to have been granted.
But this does not diminish the impudence of Rojas, who whilst
offering to repair the wrong done by Cabot in taking slaves
for himself, at the same time protests against any damage he
may receive from his own not being placed in safety.

Let us come now to Diego Garcia. Narrating his arrival at the
Isle of Patos after leaving the Bay of San Vincente to proceed
to the Plata, he says: "Proceeding on our way we came to a river
called the River of los Patos .... they are a good race there

and do very good work for the Christians here they gave

us many victuals. . .for they were good Indians, and here ar-
rived Sebastian Cabot dead with hunger while I was there ; and
the Indians gave him food and all that he needed for him-

cumple al servicio de su magestad . . . me prefiero de poner los dichos yndios
entregandomelos vos en su tierra y dicho puerto y hacer pace con todos ellos

* "por quanto su magestad hizo merced a los capitanes e oficiales dela dicha
armada que ptidiesen llevar y llevasen cada dos esclavos per lo qual yo fran-
cisco de Rojas capitan que fuy de una nao dela dicha armada pido y Requiero
a vuestra merced el dicho Sebastian gaboto que tenga por bien de me llevar los
dichos dos esclavos los quales tengo aqui aparejados <■ que los den e entreguen
a mis herederos o a quien en mi poder obiese, donde no que protesto delos co-
brar de vuestra persona y bienes do quier que se pudiesen aver."

240 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

self and his men for their voyage, and when he wanted to go
where he was going, he took four sons of the principal per-
sons there and carried them to Spain, and three of them he has
at Seville, which injured that port which was the largest and
the best people there were in those parts, because he took the
sons of the principal persons of the island."*

How is Garcia's story to be understood ? that Cabot com-
mitted this crime in going or returning from his expedition ? 1
think there can be no doubt, and all will say it was in going. In
fact Garcia speaks of his arrival at the Isle of Patos in going,
adding that Cabot arrived at the island whilst he was there,
which must logically and naturally mean that was on his way
out. Add that Garcia in his narrative speaks of his voyage
to the furthest point he reached, and has not a single word on
what he did after his arrival there or on his return. His
story must then beyond all question refer to the time when
he was sailing on the way to the Plata ; and so it is understood
also by Herrera, who makes it the basis of a charge against
Cabot,f so also Biddle who with all the sharpness of his genius
labors to show the moral impossibility of Cabot's committing
this infamy on his way to the Moluccas.;}:

But Garcia, putting this event at the time of his going out,
lies impudently. I pass over the arguments of its improba-
bility brought by Biddle, for his lying can be more easily and
effectually proved by the documents, or rather from Garcia's
own story. He says that he left the Bay of San Vincente Jan-

*"e nndandoen el camino allegamos a tin rio quest llama el Rio delos patos...
que ay una buena generacion que bace nmy buena obra a los cristianos. .e alii
nos dieron mucha vitualla .... porque beran buenos yndios e nqui llego se-
bastiau caboto muerto de hambre en este tiempo que yo estaba alii e los yndios
le dieron de comer e todo lo que avia meuester a el easu gente para su viaje y
quando se quiso ir u' se ihatomo quatro bijos de los principales de alii e los
trayo en espafia e los tres dellos los tiene en sevilla el qual danifico aquel pu-
erto que bera el major e mas buena gente que en aquella parte aviapor causa
de tomar los bijos delos principales dela ysla."

f " llego a la isla de Patos, con mucha hambre, y hie bien recibidode 1<«3
yndios, que le dieron mucha victualla con que bastecio los navios, aunque se
lo pago mal, porque tomo quatro bijos de los hombres mas principales." Dec.
iii, lib. x, cap. i.
\ See Memoir, bk. i, p. 228 and sq.

gakcia's falsehood. 241

uary 15, 1527.- Then lie could not have been at Patos be-
fore the end of that month, or the early part of February. Ca-
bot, on the other hand, left Pernambuco September 29th, 1526,
and sailed direct to the Bay of Saint Catharine, that is to say,
to Patos : where he must have arrived in October 1526, or, if
much delayed on the voyage by foul weather, in November
at the latest : and he remained at the Bay of Saint Catharine
till the 15th of February 152 7. f How then could Garcia say
that Cabot arrived at Patos whilst he was there, since Cabot was
already in the Bay of Saint Catharine months before Garcia
sailed from Saint Vincent ? But it is not only false that Cabot
on his outward voyage arrived at Patos whilst Garcia was
there, but they did not even meet there. If they had met,
both sailing under the same flag, is it to be supposed that they
had no more communication with each other than to avoid
each other like the plague ? No: and therefore they would have
known of each other's voyage, that is, that they were both
bound for the Plata ; for Cabot came to the determination to
stop at that river after a council held with his officers in the
Bay of Saint Catharine, and this determination was public and
known to everybody.;}; If it had been so, would not Gar-
cia have spoken of it in his narrative, and complained of Ca-
bot's invasion of his rights? But he has not a word of it.
Indeed it is clear from his narrative that it was a surprise to
him to find Cabot at the Plata, and it was a surprise to Cabot
and his men to see Garcia come there. Without my going
into the proof in detail, let the reader remember the meeting
of Garcia and Grajeda when, neither knowing of the other,
they were on the point of coming to blows : let him remem-
ber Cabot's apprehensions when he heard that other white men
were ascending the Plata, supposing them to be Portuguese.^

"... alii ( St. Vincent) estuvimos basta quiuze de enero del afio syguiente
de xxvii . . . ." — and again, "deaqui partimos mediados del mes de enero."

f "Al poco tiempode haber salido de este pnerto(Pernanibuco)29 de setiein-
bre sofreron etc. etc."— "salieron deste puerto (pie llamaron de St. Catalina el
15 de Febrero de 1527."— Ramirez, v. App. xxxvii.
X See what was related in cb. xviii.

£ " El desgraciado esito de esta espedicion (the death of Lieutenant de Ri

16

242 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

But without this, there is the word of Rojas, authenticated by
a notary, which makes Diego Garcia's falsehood as clear as the
light of day. He was not only present at Patos when Cabot
came and when he left ; but was deposed at the very moment
of his departure. No one would be more likely to know if
Cabot made slaves of those four young men, and if the island
was in a ferment on account of the atrocious offence; and no
one, considering his hatred of Cabot, would be more likely
to remember it and make it known. At Port Saint Vincent
Rojas sends this message to Cabot : "They have told me that at
the Isle of Patos you took four Indians :" it must therefore
have been after his departure and consequently when Cabot
stopped again in the Bay of Saint Catharine on his return.

It is clear and evident that Garcia lied when he said the
capture was made when going. Was it made on the return ?
Yes. We have no reason for denying it, and the evidence of
the fact which Garcia gives when he says, "and three of them
he has at Seville," removes all doubt, for it was a matter so
easy to verify that it would have been absurd to doubt his
positive assertion.

But, the reader may say, why make so much complaint
about those four slaves, whether Sebastian Cabot took them
first or last ? In those times, it was only too often that whole
ship-loads of slaves were brought to Europe from the New
World, and the deed of Cabot in comparison is a trifle not
wTorth making account of. And what interest had Garcia to
displace the fact, and what effect would the displacement have
on Sebastian Cabot ? In itself the matter is if no importance ;
but as we have repeatedly said, in the absence of the neces-
sary light to show us our wa}^ we must make use of every
gleam we catch here and there to find our path in the dark-
ness which envelopes it. In this accusation by Garcia we
get a glimpse of the dark fabric of falsehood and calumny
against Cabot on his return voyage to Spain. The matter of
the four slaves is very small, but the strength of great ropes is

fos) y el saber que andaba una arm;\da poiiuguesa en el rio Solis fuero motives
para que el general determinase volverse rio abajo hasta el Parana." Ramirez,
App. xxxvii.

SEIZURE OF THE FOUR INDIANS. 243

composed of fine, weak threads. Garcia changed the time
when the act was done, because if it was on his return, it bore
no weight against Cabot, but if on the outward voyage, it
might furnish a weapon against him, and it was most useful
to Garcia to seize and use it.

It is necessary for the reader to remember the base bargain
which Garcia had made at the port of Saint Vincent with the
Portuguese bachelor, selling him his largest ship, and all his
wishes to give it a color of necessity, but without success, as is
told by Herrera, who calls Garcia's reasons mere pretexts, al-
though he was most favorable to him and inclined to sustain
him. When Garcia made that sale he had hopes for the
future and did not doubt that he would be able to pass it off
as a good bargain. But when Cabot returned from his ex-
pedition weary and discouraged, with his wings clipped, Gar-
cia could be in no better condition, for his expedition also had
entirely failed of its purpose. This is convincingly proved by
his silence in his narrative, notwithstanding the loquacity of
his vain-glorious tongue. The abandoning of the Plata was
wholly the fault of his men, and every one knows that
the fault of an army falls entirely on the Captain in
command. Garcia therefore had cause for alarm on his return
to Spain. What was he to do to turn attention from him-
self upon another ? That which too often occurs in daily life,
the man with the least scruple to put his hands on another's
property is the first to cry, Stop thief, and the strictest pro-
fessor of morals is often the one who most needs to practise
them. Garcia, in his intercourse with Cabot's men, saw what
was fermenting, he foresaw, as was easy to do, what a burst
of anger, recrimination, and revenge his arrival would pro-
duce in Spain, and to divert the eyes of others from himself
he joined the choir of accusers. The fact of the four slaves,
however insignificant of itself, acquired a certain weight in
face of the laws of Spain, and Cabot's office of chief-pilot,
that is to say, the highest authority in the marine of all
Spain. The council of the Indies had given positive orders
to all sailing for the Indies to use no violence towards the
natives ; and Stephen Gomez, who disregarded these orders

244 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

and came back with a cargo of Indian slaves, found the whole
nation excited to indignation against him.* These orders were
given to Cabot in particular, as they were to all others. f Now
what judgment ought to be passed on Cabot, if he, who held
the highest grade in the Spanish Marine, had shamelessly
trampled on the orders of the government which, though is-
sued to all Spaniards in general, yet had special reference to
men of the sea ? And if such contempt would have made a
bad impression in any case, what must it do when he
returned defeated in his undertaking, and the noble band of
young men who had followed him with trust in his promises
were nearly all left dead in a distant land ? What must
have been the impression on seeing him return to Spain, not
with the promised treasures of Tarshish and Ophir, but with
four boys torn from their mothers' arms, children of a people
friendly to Spain, cordial, hospitable, and that had been
of service to the Spanish ships? The weapon seized by
Garcia might, then, wound, and that seriously; and he
feel secure in his blow, for once the fact was true, no one who
heard of it would care whether it happened earlier or
later. Whereas, if the fact happened later, Cabot was free
from all blame. Of this there can be no doubt, Captain Rojas
brought against Cabot a serious charge, collecting every
detail that could injure him, but boldly distorts the facts. If it
had been true that in so seriously offending those isl-
anders, Cabot had injured and endangered the Spanish ves-
sels, why did Rojas, who in the suit against Cabot, brought
forward the minutest spots in the expedition,— why did
he not take up the complaints of the Indians and make them
known to all Spain ; especially as he had offered to return the
four youths to their homes, and thus restore the peace and se-
curity of the island ? The reason is plain. At Saint Vincent it
sufficed that the fact was at bottom true, to cast it in Cabot's

* Peter Martyr d' Aughiera, Dec. viii, cap. 10.

f" Diose a Gaboto la iusUucion come la del Comendador Loaysa."

Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. ix, cap. 3.— and Loay^a's instructions were : " que pro-
curassen de aver lenguas de todas las tienas que deseubriessen, y las tratassen
bien." — Id., Dec. iii, lib. vii, cap. 6.

CABOT'S ANXIETY ON HIS RETURN. 245

face : but for the trial it was necessary to show that it
was wrong, and as he could not do this, he went no fur-
ther. In truth, why should Cabot have so grievously injured
those poor islanders ? Not for the purpose of exhibiting some
of them as specimens in Europe : for Patos was only a step
from the coast of Brazil, where the Portuguese were continually
going and coming with their ships, and the poor inhabitants
of that island could present no novelty to interest Europeans.
Not with a view to gain, for that were ridiculous to suppose ;
still less from mere caprice or evil disposition. If, then, it was
not from interest or malice, there must be some other way to
explain it, and one which entirely exonerates Cabot. We may
easily divine what it was from the letter, which we shall soon
record, of a Portuguese who was equally removed from partial-
ity for Cabot and Garcia. From him we shall learn that Cabot
returned to Spain with only twenty men, of all that had
sailed with him. With the service so reduced it is easy to un-
derstand that the return voyage was difficult and dangerous.
Taking this into consideration, and also the fact that after his
return to Spain no one from any quarter brought up the
charge that he had taken those four young men at Patos, I
hold that he took them under constraint of the need of hands
for the wants of the ship, choosing them, not as Garcia
calumniously pretends, from the sons of the principal persons
on the island, but from the strongest and most fit for the work
required.

CHAPTER XXL

Arrival in Spain,

In the thick darkness which obscures every thing, there is no
danger of running into romance in supposing that Cabot on
his return to Spain was anxious as to the reception he should
meet. For all that he felt himself free from fault, the fact
remained that he was a general returning from battle.defeated,

246 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

and his army annihilated. He could not but know the deep
hate for him brooded over by some of his officers who had
been accomplices of the three rebels, and who were afterwards
kept under obedience only by fear. They were Spaniards, he
a foreigner ; they would have with them the whole choir of
their relatives and friends to howl and bustle, disguising
and falsifying things, inventing charges and calumnies : he
had only the truth for his justification in showing the misfort-
unes that had pursued him. His fancy must have dreaded
above all the company of merchants, whose anger he had al-
ready aroused, and whose vengeance would now be bitterly
excited. Still ignorant of the reception given to the two of-
ficers he had sent to Spain, he must have worried greatly over
that long silence of twenty-two months, concerning the dis-
position of the Emperor and the government in his regard.*
These doubts and anxieties are not founded on any docu-
ment which records them, but on human nature, and conse-
quently are true. Neither Herrera nor the other historians
have a word on Cabot's arrival in Spain; the only document
which mentions it is a letter from Dr. Affonso Simao to the
King of Portugal. This is dated August 2, 1530, and was writ-
ten the same week that Cabot arrived from La Plata. His return
was consequently in the latter part of July 1 530, and as his de-
parture was in the beginning of April, 1526, we know that the
expedition lasted four years and four months. The portion
of Simao's letter referring to Cabot is as folio ws:f "This week
there arrived here a pilot and captain who was sent to
discover land. His name is Gaboto, he is the chief pilot
of these Kingdoms, and is the same person that sent the ship
which touched at Lisbon two years ago, and brought news of
land discovered on the River Pereuai which they said abounded
in gold and silver. I find him very wretched and poor, for
they say he brought no gold or silver, nor any thing of profit
to those that fitted om the vessels, and of 200 men that

*The two officers presented themselves to the Emperor at Toledo at the
end of October 1528, and Cabot returned to Spain in the latter part of July 153d
f The Appendix gives the letter in full. See App. xli.

COMPLAINTS AGAINST CABOT. 247

he took with him he brings back less than 20 ; for they say
all the rest were left there dead, some from fatigue and hun-
ger, others killed in war; for they say the arrow-wounds killed
many of them, and the wooden fort they built was destroyed ;
so that they are very ill-satisfied and the pilot is a prisoner; and
they say they will send to court to see what they order done
with him. What I could learn and what is said here
publicly, though in a low voice, is that in the land they
say they discovered they left no guard but their dead and de-
serters. But notwithstanding this, these men tell me
they saw that the land possessed much silver and gold, and
the reason why they brought none is, as they say, because the
captain would not allow them to bargain for it, and also be-
cause the Moors deceived them and rebelled against them.
Your Highness will believe what you think best of this, but
it is certain that the land is abandoned. The river, they say,
is very long and deep, and very wide at its mouth. If Your
Highness shall find it for your interest to send there now, you
could do so, for these people fly from a place where they see
no money."

To add comments on this letter would only lessen the
feeling of deep sadness it produces in the mind of the reader.
But to understand how it was possible for the voyage to be
made with the number of men so greatly reduced, it must be
remembered that Cabot had left part of his men at Cape
Santa Maria on the Plata, and naturally left one ship with
them. Indeed, in the Proofs of Catharine Vasquez, to the
22nd interrogatory one of the witnesses says expressly that
he came back from La Plata on one of the ships left there by
Cabot.* Another ship was sent to Spain with the two officers ;
the flag-ship was sunk in the Bay of Saint Catharine : so that
of the four ships with which he set out only one remained
for Cabot on his return. This explains the possibility of do-
ing with so small a number of men. But to these should be

* " Dixo que .... veniendo este testigo con una nao e cierta gente quel
dicho sebastiaa caboto avia dexado per.lida en el rio de solis la dicha nao
aporto al puerto de los patos ques cerca della dicha jsla de santa catalina."
vi witness.

248 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

added the four young men taken at the Tsle of Patos : in re-
gard to whom, as the evidence now shows, the reader may
confirm his consciousness, or rather certainty, that they
were taken hy Cabot and put aboard his ship, not for gain
nor from malice, but from the absolute need he had of help-
ing the few hands he had left.

As soon as he arrived in Spain, his enemies fell upon him
with the fury and unanimity of a lot of city dogs on a lean
country dog trembling with fear and hunger. So great was the
burst of accusations and rumors that the Council of the In-
dies decided to have him arrested at once. In the fury of
this attack, this snapping and biting, some of his own officers
were preeminent for their hatred and rage ; so much so, that
one witness testifies that it was said and believed among the
members of the expedition that it was they who had caused
his arrest.* A regular trial was opened at his charge on the
accusations preferred against him.

Of this trial I have been able to obtain, as I have said else-
where, the complaint presented by Catharine Vasquez,motber
of Martin Mendez ; that of Francis de Rojas, and the answer
or defence made by Cabot, Rojas presented his complaint No-
vember 2 of that same year, only three months after Cabot's re-
turn ; so that he must have followed him closely to the Spanish
coast. These documents are too scanty to reconstruct the pro-

*"Oyo decir este testigo en sevilla a mucbas personas y marineros de la
dicha armada quel dicho alonso bueno e santa cruz e gasmirez e juan de
junco avian hecho premier al dicho capitan Sebastian caboto per enemistad
que con el tenian."— I witness to the xxxi Interrogatory of Sebastian Cabot's

proofs.

Tbe XXX Interrogatory of Cabot's proofs mentions Juan de Junco, treasurer
of the ship Santa Maria, whose hatred, according to the 10th witness, was
principally due to Cabot's just severity in restraining his tyranny over his
subalterns ; the XXXI shows Alonzo Bueno, by the testimony of all the wit-
nesses, often reproved by Cabot, even publicly, as a blasphemer, and for keep-
ing in his quarters a gaming-table, and for selling articles to the sailors for
more than they were worth ; the XXXII names Alonzo de Santa Cruz, but
the witnesses only know that he bad tbe name of beimr one of the conspirators
against, Cabot, and had said every tiling bad of him since their return ; the
XXXIII gives the name of Gasmirez Coremberg, a German, whom Cabot had
reprimanded and punished with great severity for public slander of the
Emperor.

COMPLAINTS AGAINST CABOT. 240

fceedings in their entirety, but they are sufficient to show with
what fury every kind of accusation was hunted out and piled
up against Cabot. In the course of this narrative we have had
repeated occasion to take up some of them : but to what has al-
ready been said, it will be useful to add a few things, not so
much for the purpose of exposing the hate of his accusers and
their activity in hunting up charges, as to show that they did
not scruple to cast in his face the most inconsistent and bare-
faced calumnies.

We have seen that Michael Rodas and Martin Mendez were
lost on the passage from the Isle of Patos to the mainland
while fleeing from the dagger of Captain de Rojas ; yet Men-
dez's mother claims that Cabot was guilty of his death, because
if he had not placed her son on that island, he would have
had no need to flee from Rojas, and so would not have per-
ished.* At the Bay of Saint Catharine, among many others
that died, there was also a brother of Lieutenant Martin Men-
dez, named Michael. His mother claims that Cabot was
guilty of his death also, saying that her son died of a broken
heart because his brother was deposed and abandoned. + The
witnesses produced by Vasquez herself in support of her
charge, agree in testifying that he was taken sick and died of
the same disease as many others. Only one testifies that he had
heard it said that his death was caused by his brother's misfort-
une. \ It is worthy of remark also, that this witness always con-
firms the accusation in almost the very words of the interrog-
atory, as though repeating a lesson. Take as a sample the X in-
terrogatory, where it is asked if Cabot arrested Martin Mendez
without just cause. All the witnesses depose affirmatively as to
the arrest, but answer that they did not know whether the
cause was just or not ; those who want to be favorable to Vasquez
say they have not seen or heard Martin Mendez do or say any

* xxii Interrogatory.

f xxx Interrogatory.

X " cayo malo y raurio de la dicha dolencia pero que si cayo malo de pensa-
miento de la prision desu hermauo martin mendez o no que este testigo no lo
sabe masde lo aver oydo decir por muy gierto a la masde la dicha armada por
cosa cierta." I witness.

250 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

thing which in their opinion deserved arrest* But this witness
that I speak of affirms frankly that he saw that he was arrested
without just cause. On the other hand, the witnesses produced
by Cabot for the defence, not only affirm unanimously that
Michael Mendez was taken with the same malady as all the
others, that he was ill many days, and that Cabot treated him
with every care during his illness, and one witness had visited
him frequently by Cabot's orders : but they also add that he
died before his brother was arrested and deposed.^ Elsewhere the
same Vasquez (and she, poor soul, is to be pitied for having
in the agony of her mother's grief taken up every story that
was told her), in the XXXI and XXXII interrogatory ac-
cuses Cabot of having tried to poison her son Ferdinand.;}; No

*III — "Sabe quel dicho Sebastian caboto mando prender....pero quela causa
por que lo mando prender no lo sabe" =VIII — "Dixo que oio que sacaron. . .
al dicho martin mendez. . . .e que lo demas no lo sabe."=X — " Dixo que . . .
vio como al dicho martin mendez lo traxeron. . .que no sabe la causa por que."

— And the others :

VI — "Vio como el dicho Sebastian caboto mando sacar . . . al dicho martin
mendez e . . . . e que d'esta prision e mal tratamiento .... no vio hazer al
dicho martin mendez cosa en desservicio de su magestad donde lo mereseiese."
=VII — "Vio como el dicho Sebastian Caboto mando sacar. . .al dicho martin
mendez e ... no vio ni oyo quel dicho martin mendez . . . oviese fecho cosa
que nodeviese por donde deviese estar preso."

The first witness, on the other hand, says boldly :

— " Vio que sin causa justa que tuviese el dicho Sebastian caboto mando pren-
der y tener preso al dicho martin mendez."

f — " Sabe quel dicho hernan mendez estovo muchos dias doliente y enfermo
come estovieron otros muchos de la dicha armada.... e que vio estetestigo quel
dicho capitan caboto trataba muy bien al dicho hernan mendez, e que sabe e
vio quel dicho hernan mendez murio de la enfermedad que tenia porquestovo
inucho tiempo enfermo en la cama y este testigo lo vio en la cam a malo y le vio
enterrar."=The iii witness to the first of the annexed Interrogatories. The
other six witnesses repeat and confirm the same thing. The vi acids — "murio
de la dicha enfermedad como murieron otros e murio antes quel martin men-
dez su hermano quedase alii desterrado, e questo que lo sabe porque fu asy pu-
blico entro todos los de la dicha armada:" — and the ix — " queste testigo por
mandado del dicho capitan caboto vesito muchas vezes al dicho hernan men-
dez—."

|"Yten si saben vieron etcetera questando enfermoe mal dispuesto el dicho
hernan mendez el dicho Sebastian caboto mando y hiz'o que en una purga
que se le dava para su salud se le echasen otras cosas muy danosas pestilen-
ciales de cuja causa el dicho hernan mendez murio y espiro luego como se le
dio la dicha purga y en acabandola de tomar se puso en todo su cuerpo de co-

ARREST OF CABOT. 251

witness answers this interrogatory. Nor does any witness an-
swer the XXV, in which Vasquez says that "when Cabot was
returning to Spain he was asked by many to touch at the Isl-
and of Saint Catharine to take up the three deposed officers,
and that he refused saying he believed they were dead or
eaten by Indians : from which," observes Vasquez, " it must
be presumed that he left them for the purpose of killing them,
and that they might die there. "* This infamous accusation,
if not answered by any witnesses on the trial, is answered
in Cabot's defence in history by Diego Garcia's calumny when
lie charges him with taking from Patos four young Indians
when he passed there on his outward voyage (and we have
seen full evidence that the fact occurred on his return); and by
the notice given to Captain de Rojas at the harbor of Saint
Vincent to come on board of his ship under promise of being
presented safe and sound before the Emperor and the Council
of the Indies.

There is another circumstance that ought to be mentioned
as a significant mark of the surroundings in which the charges
against Sebastian Cabot were developed. Captain de Rojas, in
his interrogatories, hardly mentions the grounds on which he
was going to explain his charges, before he puts this first
question to his witnesses : " Do they know that he is an hi-
dalgo's son of known worth, and Sebastian Cabot a foreigner
and nobody knows who he is. " f

lor muy negra y tal que notoriamente parescia que le avian echado en la
dicha purga cosas para que muriese."

— " Ay ningun testigo que sepaesta Pregunta." — Preguntaxxxi.

Pregunta xxxii is all spoilt, but its sense comes out clearly :"...saben vieron
etcetera e dello ha ... publiea vuz, e fama entre ...ute de la dicha armada que
por ... e yndustriay consejio del .... stian caboto se dio la dicha pur . . .o her-
nand mendez e se echa . . . 11a e rexalgar e otras cosas que luego causaron su
muerta etc." — To this also there is no witness.

* " Yten si saben etcetera que al tiempn que agora bolvia el dicho Sebastian
caboto los que venian en el armada le requirieron que tocasen en la dicha ysla

de santa cataliua y el dicho Sebastian caboto nolo quiso hazer dizieudo

que ya creya que heran muertos o comidos de yndios por donde es de creeF
que los dexo alii con proposito de los malar e para que se muriesen."

t " Yten si saben .... quel dicho capitan Francisco de Rojas es hi jo dalgo
de valor conocido y el dicho sabastian gaboto es etrangero y no se satte quien
es . . . . " II lot. — App. xxxv.

252

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

We who know how things went on that unfortunate expe-
dition, even when laying some of the blame on Cabot, now on
beholding him return so torn and crushed, are more than
ever inclined to sympathize with him. But the Spaniards knew
little or nothing of what had occurred. Very little of the report
brought by the two officers, although communicated to the Mer-
chants' Company, can have reached the knowledge of the
public ; and if there then was great disappointment at not
having secured the fancied treasures of Tarshish and* Ophir,
there was the consolation of having found a land abounding
in silver-mines. And besides, the two years that had passed
since then, must have greatly weakened that sad impression ;
so that Spain must have been, and was, quiet enough in
regard to that expedition. But now, on its return, no silver,
no commerce, no possession of the River, and of 200 persons
that had embarked only a score come back, and they all ragged,
lean, exhausted in body no less than in mind. The blow must
have been the severer that it was the less expected. The
howl of protest and complaint against Cabot was the very
natural result of such spectacle. A battle that turns out
badly may be imputed to adverse circumstances, the
overpowering number of the enemy, to a thousand different
causes ; but the destruction of an entire army, the total loss of
arms and baggage can be imputed only to the inefficiency or
treason of the general. And Cabot's position was made a
thousand times worse by the fact that voices were raised
among his own officers to accuse and condemn him. What
a chorus of imprecations was there ! What cries for ven-
geance ! Even the Exchequer turned upon him, and, all it
could do, charged him with not having followed the instruc-
tions given him. Cabot, in the midst of the furious tempest,
alone, a foreigner, crushed by sufferings of the mind, with
every appearance of being to blame, ' could only look for
acquittal from so many accusations to time and the stilling of
passions. Is it surprising that, with all the clamor against
him, the Council of the Indies at once ordered the arrest of the
wretched captain ?

In a report which the Council of the Indies sent to Charles

ARREST OF CABOT. 253

V, we find the heads of the charges on which the order of
arrest was based. uHe was arrested," says the report, "at
the request of relatives of persons of whose death he is
accused, as also of having abandoned others on the land,
and at the request of the Exchequer which charges him with
neglecting to follow the instructions he had received."*
And as the complaints were made immediately on his
touching the soil of Spain, the arrest followed without delay.
In fact, Simao, in his letter of August 2, says : "This weeks,
pilot arrived .... named Cabot . . .the pilot is kept a pris-
oner.'^

At the end of the Proofs of Vasquez and of Cabot there is
mention of other "Informaciones," but unfortunately we
have only this mere mention. +

After this it again grows dark around us, and we lose
sight of every thing. We only know that in May, 1531,
Cabot was at liberty on bail, § and that in February of the

* " Manda V. M. que le hagamos saber la cabsa tie la prision de Sebastian
Caboto. El fue preso a pedimiento de algunos parientes de algunas personas,

que dicen que es oulpado en sus muertes, y por oiros que desteiro, y tambien
a pedimiento del fiscal, por no baber uuardado las iustrucioues que levo— ."
Navarrete, Coleciou, T. V. p. 333.

f " Esta somana cbegon aqui hi piloto . . . . o quval se cbama gabote ....
o piloto esta presso . . . ." See App. xli.

% At the end of Vasquez's Proofs we read : "Demas desta provanca con-
tenida eu esta relation ay ciertasynformaciones bechassyn parte de las quales
se haze mas larga mincion eu la Relation quesia sacada de la provanca que
caboto hizo en esta causa."

" esta bien sacada en lo sustancial=*Hay una rubrica."

And at the end of Cabot's : — "De mas de la provanca hecba en plenario
juyzio por Sebastian caboto e por e] fiscal e por catalina vasquez, ay una
ynformacion que se hizo ante los oficiales de la casa de la coutratacion de
sivilla esta tomada syn parte en juyzio . . . rio presentole catalina vasquez fue
recebida y hecha eu dos dias del mes de Agosto de mill e quinieutos y treinta
anos "

"Ay otra ynformacion hecha de officio por los oficiales de la casa de la cou-
tratacion de Sevilla para saber que se hizo en el viaje de la dicha armada
etc."

"Ay otra yuformacion sumaria hecha sin parte a pedimiento de Sebastian
caboto ante la justicia hordinaria de la gibdad de sevilla sobre lo hecho y
achaecido en el viaje de tarsis etcetera que hizo el niche Sebastian caboto
tomose asyete dias del mes de A^ost.o de mill e quinieutos y treynta anos."

£ This is mentioned in a report of the Council of the Indies to the Emperor
Charles V. dated May 1G, 1531.

254 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

following year, the Council of the Indies sentenced him
to two years' exile at Oran for excesses committed in the
course of his voyage.* But as we have a letter of his from
Seville dated June 25, 1533, by which it appears that he
was in full freedom, we must conclude that the sentence was
reviewed, or the Emperor must have intervened to shorten
the punishment. This letter of Cabot's is directed to Juan de
Samano the Emperor's secretary. Leaving for another place
what can be better said elsewhere, we shall only say of it here
what concerns the present period. Severe family afflictions
were added to those of the expedition and prosecution. Writ-
ing to Samano, Cabot excuses himself for delay in discharging
a certain commission from Samano, on account of the death
of his daughter, and his wife's illness, and begs him to write to
the Council of the Indies urging the payment of a third part
of his salary in advance, so that he may discharge the debts
which detain him at Seville. f

This is the last mention that can be found of any child of
Cabot's ; and from his manner of expressing himself, it would
seem that he was speaking of an only daughter. There can
be no doubt but that the poor girl and her mother were vic-
tims of the suffering caused by his afflictions. The mother
was taken ill, the daughter, more tender and affectionate,
sealed with her life the share she took in her father's sorrows.
Nor could his own strong fibre resist all these blows ; but he
also fell sick.:);

The notice referred to in the Memorial which the Council of the Indies
sent to the Emperor Charles V. under date of May 16, 1531. "Manda V. M.
que le hagamos saber la cabsa de la prision de Sebastian Caboto. El fue

preso y dada la corte por carcel con jianzas." — Navarrete, Colecc.

T. V., p. 333.

* Navarrete, Biblioteca Maritima. T. ii, p. 699. I take this citation from
Harrisse, not having been able to get Navarrete's text.

f'Sefior suplico a vuestra merced me aga merced deescrivir a estos Senores
oficiales de la casa de coutrataciou que me socorran con un tercio de my
salario adelantado para que me pueda desempechar de aqui . . . . " See App.
xlii.

% " Suplico a vuestra merced me perdone por no averla acabado mas presto
yten verdad sino fuera por la muerte de mi hija y por la dolencia de my
muger y mya dias ha que vuestra merced la hizera recebido . ..." lb.

255

A break in the first sentence of the letter shows the weight of
grief under which his heart was groaning. It runs thus:"On the
feast of the glorious St. John I received a letter from the Ade-
lantado of the Canaries, from which it seems to me that he still
has a desire to undertake an expedition to the Parana River,"
at this name he adds, "which cost me so dear"* But if the evils
he endured were irreparable, it must still have been a great
comfort to him to see the government and private individuals
turning to him again, after making him undergo such great
humiliation, recognizing the superiority of his genius and
knowledge over those of all others. For that Adelantado applied
to him for advice concerning his intended expedition, and Sa-
mano had made a request of him for a map; and Cabot answers
him that he has finished it already and has two more prepared,
one for the Emperor and the other for the members of the
Council of the Indies, f

Before proceeding further, justice requires us to pause
here to take our last farewell of Catharine Medrano, Sebastian
Cabot's brave wife. Who she was, o>? what nation or country,
and when married to Cabot, is all alike unknown. But her
name and surname indicate a Spaniard, at least by descent.
The first time her name appears is in a document of the date
of October 25, 1525, by which Cabot obtained that a life annu-
ity of 25,000 maravedis payable to him should be transferred
to her for her life, in case of his death during the expedition he
was then preparing.} It appears again indirectly in the suit
brought against her husband, and this brief appearance shows

* "recebi una carta del adelantado de car.aria por la qual me pareee queto-
davia tiene gana de tomar la empresa del rio de paraua que tanto me questa. "
lb.

f" Senor la carta que vuestra inerced me envio a mandar que yriese ya la tengo
acabada con ofas d«>s que tengo fecho para su magestad "

\ Cedula de Toledo 25 octobre 1525,

PorquantoCaboto ha r.nundado en Catalina Medrano su imiger los 25,000 de
su ayuda de costa, suplicando que como el los tenia por su vida, losgoce ella
por la suya della : " por que si dios fuese servido que el muriese en el viaje e
armacia que agora hace por nuestro mandato i en nuestro servicio al descubri-
miento de las islas de Tarsis e Oflr e al Catayo oriental, tenga su muger eso
para mantenerse."Asi se manda.

M. S. di Mufios : 1/idtas, 1524-1525-1526-77— Est. 23 gr. fol. 165.

256 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

her to have been a woman most attached to the glory and in-
terest of her husband, an active, resolute, and powerful assist-
ant in his work, a feared and fearful enemy to his enemies. It
is they that drag her name into public now and then, and cer-
tainly not for eulogistic purposes. But under the exaggeration
of passion and enmity there is clearly defined a strong woman's
character, worthy of the man to whom she was united. We
have seen that Vasquez in the fifth interrogatory of her
proofs not only accuses Medrano equally with her husband of
enmity against her ( Vasquez's)son, but charges Catharine with
employing persons to kill him, and ends by accusing Cabot
of being ruled by his wife's opinion and only doing as she
wishes.* Although none of the witnesses confirms the charge
of the attempted murder, as to her busying herself with her
husband's affairs, and his acquiescence in her counsel and pro-
posals, all but one, who says he knows nothing about it, agree
in testifying affirmatively, according to their judgment of
what they had often seen at his house. f

As the passion and bitter enmity that had been aroused
against Cabot became calmed, reason gradually resumed her
rights and public opinion rendered a juster judgment on the
bad result of his expedition. A proof of it is that Gomara,
who like all the other Spanish historians makes room in his
narrative for the charges against him without a 'word in his
defence or justification, when speaking of the unfortunate
termination of the expedition expresses himself in these
words : " Not so much, as some say, through his fault as the
fault of the men he had with him. "J These words, in their

"Yten si saben que . . . .el dicho Sebastian caboto y la dicha catalina de me-
drano su muger . ie tomaron grand odio y enemistad al dicho martin

•neiidez e aim la dicha catalina de medrano mandava que lo maiasen

e ansilo dixo e rogo a cimas personas e si sabeu quel dicho Sebastian caboto
3e rige y govierua per el paresger de la dicha catalina de medrano y no haze
mas de lo quella quiere."

fFor the sake of brevity I cite only the words of the seventh witness: —
" este testigo vio alirunas veces en san luear (ie barrameda que la dicha
ana de medrano hazia e dezia ant : dicho Sebastian cabot > todo lo que queria
e por bien tenia sin quel dicho sehastian calx. to le fuese a la mano y ella
mandava y hazia lo que queria, libremente."

X "No tauto,a lo que alguuos dicen, por su culpa, como por la de su gente. "
—Can. lxxxix.

A CRITICISM OF CABOT. 257

briefness, seeing by whom they were said, and in what state of
animosity towards Cabot, may almost be regarded as a full
justification in the judgment of the Spanish people. As to the
government, it suffices to say that it restored him completely
to his rank of chief Pilot, and not only continued to have con-
stant recourse to his work, but when he wanted to leave Spain
for England, it made great efforts to prevent him and to force
him to remain.

But can History, at whose tribunal men must answer not
only for their intentions, their actions, and the hon-
esty of their purposes, but also for involuntary errors,
and for insufficient strength for the weight of the load
voluntarily assumed, which according to the success or fail-
ure of every thing condemns the deliberations of prudence or
applauds the audacity of presumption ; can history declare
Sebastian Cabot free from all blame in the pit he fell into and
ruined his undertaking ? In the absence of sufficient data on
which to base a decision, an unconditioned answer is not pos-
sible. But from what we know it would not be a rash judg-
ment to incline to the negative. His position was certainly a
fearful one in face of the rebellion of his own officers, but the
very fact that he was able to inflict on them a most severe
chastisement without any one rising in their defence, shows us
that his authority was still feared and respected, notwithstand-
ing the great disorder among the ships. The revolt of the
crews on those early expeditions, whether from fear or any
other cause, was often repeated ; and it is no little glory for
their leaders to have held them to the bit and compelled
them, though restive, to submit to the fresh labors and dan-
gers of the voyage. Who does not remember the revolt on the
ships against Christopher Columbus ? But he suppressed it,
and a few days after his men would have rid themselves of him
by murder, they were kneeling about him begging his pardon,
and applauding his firmness and genius. Did not Magellan's
men also rebel against him? And it was a very different revolt
from that against Cabot. He was not like Cabot on a way
already tried, but on one entirely new ; the cold was intense,
the scarcity of food fearful, the sea constantly in storm, the sail-

17

258 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

ors wan with fright, and the captains not less than their men.
But he was deaf to their entreaties, their remonstrances, and
their threats ; when he perceived that they were about to pro-
ceed to open violence, he fell like lightning on the chiefs and
by the severity of the example maintained his authority, and
he won. Not by this do I mean to approve, still less to ap-
plaud, the extreme measures he had recourse to ; I only mark
the comparison. The firmness which Cabot showed subse-
quently on the voyage after he had deposed Rojas and the
other two, he should have execised from the first moment
that the officers manifested an inclination to disregard his
authority. It was a great mistake to put aside Martin Men-
dez and give his own enemies occasion for their accusations :
a most serious mistake mortally to offend a proud and arro-
gant nature like Rojas, and then set him at liberty. The loss
of the flag-ship was not his fault, and it was this loss that de-
cided the failure of the expedition. If Cabot's authority had
been resolute and firm throughout the voyage, it is not at all
likely that Rodas would have guarantied with his head the
safety of the path to him unknown. Though fever destroyed
his men in the Bay of Saint Catharine, and left plentiful seed
for more deaths, do we hazard any thing in supposing that the
bad humor creeping through the fleet made them prolong un-
necessarily their stay in that place to complete the work, thus
leaving a greater chance for sickness ? On the other hand, he
seems to me great in all his conduct after he had decided at
the Bay of Saint Catherine to remain on the Plata and devote
all his energy to the exploration of that river. The struggle
he had to endure was such as to overcome and crush a less
firm and resolute mind ; and his energy which death could
not subdue with the fear of all perishing together, nor desper-
ate hunger in unknown and deserted places, nor the loss of
all hope of aid or succor, this energy is truly admirable and
deserves to be counted among the most splendid instances of
indomitable constancy. But although Cabot was a real
hero after the battle had begun, he does not seem to me to show
equal prudence and energy in leading and governing his
forces prior to the battle.

RIO DE LA PLATA NOT NAMED BY CABOT. 259

But in judging without having full knowledge of the case,
I run a risk of offending no less against Sebastian Cabot's
memory than against history. It is best then to resume the
course of our narration.

But before wholly leaving the Plata, it is our duty to
defend Cabot against another accusation weighing on his
head. By many writers it is said and believed that the
river, first called from the name of its discoverer the River of
Solis, * received its new name of Rio de la Plata, which
means River of Silver, from Cabot, that he was deceived by
some specimens of that metal which he saw in possession of
the natives, and was thereby led to believe that he had
arrived in regions very rich in silver. Not to multiply quo-
tations I will merely give the words of Lardner in his Cyclo-
paedia : "Cabot in the meantime, contrived to send home
to the Emperor an account of his proceedings, and as he had
found among the savages of the interior some ornaments of
gold and silver, which he easily obtained in exchange for var-
ious trinkets, he took advantage of this slender circumstance to
represent the country as abounding in those metals ; and in con-
formity with his description, he gave the river the name of La
Plata.'' 'f This charge, repeated by many, is without founda-
tion of any kind. Biddle remarks that according to Gomara
and Hakluyt it was the discoverer De Solis himself who gave
that name of La. Plata to the river, having fallen into
the error which others have tried to impute to Cabot. +
According to Herrera, however, the name was given by the
Spaniards to the river on account of some pieces of silver
which Diego Garcia brought from there, because it was the

* "elrio.que entonees llamaran de Solis, y aora de la Plata." — Herrera, Dec.
ii, lib. x, cap. i, and in another place : "aviendolepreguutadomuchascosas de
Rio de Solis, que dizende la Plata." Dec. iv, lib. x, cap. v.

f D. Lardner's, Cyclopaedia, vol. ii, p. 89.

% "Topocon un grandissimo rio que los Naturales llaman Paranaguara, que
quiere decir Rio como Mar o Aqua grande : vide en el muestra de Plata, i
nombrolo de ella. "—Gomara, cap. xxxix— " The first Spauiard that entered
this river and inhabited the same, was called Solis, who passed up a hundred
leagues into it, and called- it by the name of Rio de la Plata, that is to say, The
River of Silver." — Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 788.

260 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

first silver brought to Castile from the Indies.* But all these
are contradicted by Francisco de Rojas, the companion and
enemy of Sebastian Cabot, and his authority as of a witness
present on the spot must prevail over all others. In his in-
terrogatories, where he shows that Cabot altered the purpose
and end of the expedition through having lent too credulous
an ear to the deceitful words of the Portuguese at Pernambuco,
who in their King's interest wished to divert him from going
to the Moluccas, he says that "they told him that on this coast
there was a river which the said Portuguese call La Plata and
we Juan De Soils, that there was much silver there etc."f
Cabot then is guiltless of any wrong to the memory of De
Solis so far as regards the name of the river he discovered.
That name, after all, most likely had an altogether pop-
ular origin. At the first specimens of silver obtained from
that river, the quantity of the metal that was expected to be
found there must have been exaggerated, as usually happens ;
and just as they said "Spice Islands, Sugar Island, Tobacco
Island" from the special products of those islands, and as they
named from brazil wood, the vast region of that name in
South America ; in like manner they came to call the great
estuary discovered by Juan De Solis the River of Silver.

After these few indications of the great trouble that afflicted
Sebastian Cabot on his return to Spain, the darkness deepens
around him. We are told that he was restored to his position
as Master of the pilots, as he was not only above all by
the authority of his rank, but had no equal in knowledge of
matters pertaining to navigation and cosmography. It was
his great reputation as surpassing all others in his knowledge
of these branches, that made Ramusio's Anonymous eager to
know and converse with him personally : and Ramusio him-
self opened an epistolary correspondence with him for his

^'Tainbian Diaajo Garcia huvo alguna cantitad de Plata de Ins Jndios, desde
dondese llamo este Rio de la Plata, porque fue la primera que se traxo a Cas-
tilla delas Jndias. "—Dec. iv, lib. i, cap i.

t "le dijeron como en aquella costa avia un Rio que los dichos portogueses
llaraan de la plata e nosotros de Juan de Solis que en el avia mucha plata etc."
— No. 7,— See App. xxxv.

CABOT IN THE SERVICE OF EDWARD VI. 261

great collection of navigations and voyages. In the discourse
held with Anonymous, Cabot mentioned various other
voyages which he said he had made since his return from La
Plata, but what they were and in what direction we are com-
pletely ignorant.* Nufio De Guzman doubtless alluded
to one of these voyages when he informed Charles V that a
fleet commanded by Sebastian Cabot had passed the coast of
Astatlan ; but uncertainty as to the date of his letter leaves it
impossible to fix the time of this navigation. f The date af-
fixed to his Planisphere of 1544 tells us that he was in Seville
that year.J The following year, 1545, we find him employed
together with Pedro Mexio, Alfonso Chaves, and Diego Gu-
tierrez to examine Pedro de Medina's Arte del Navigar.§ This
is the last date known of his residence in Spain.

CHAPTER XXII.

Return to England.

In 1548 we find Sebastian Cabot recently returned to Eng-
land. Nothing is told us of the reason of this new change,
but we can infer it with certainty from what happened after-
wards. The circumstances of his life and of the times had
withdrawn and for many years withheld him from his natural
field of study and action ; but although wholly occupied
with matters concerning southern seas and lands, he had never
wholly diverted his thoughts from the fogs and frosts of the
north, where his mind was first opened to the enthusiasm of
discovery, and his heart had first palpitated with the delights
and sorrows that accompany it. In Spain he felt he was reap-

* " Feci poi molte altre navigation! le quali pretermetto . . . . " — App. xix.

f " Colpccion de Documentor de Indias, t. xiii— p. 409—" V. Harrisse, Jean
et Sebastien Cabot, p. 125.

% " Sebastian Cahoto eanitan y pil >to mavor de la S cc. m. del Imperator
don Carlos .... hizo esta figura . . . . anno de J. C. de M. D. xliiii."

§ American Exposition Catalogue, B. 52.

262 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

ing where others had reaped before, whilst in the northern seas
the glory was all his own : he had first pointed out and opened
to others the way thither. How often, after long hours of
study and labor on the seas and navigations of the south
must his wearied mind have flown to those of the north, rest-
ing from its fatigue by stopping to meditate on the path the
ship might find in that direction ! The only state that could
lend him aid for the undertaking was England : and the
stormy reign of Henry VIII turned all minds to other thoughts
than of navigation and discovery. The disorders of that
government must have come to Cabot's ears and sounded
worse than they actually were, as Spain was directty injured by
that King's madness ; for his repudiated wife was a Spaniard
and aunt to Charles V, and there was more living and general
zeal for the Catholic Religion in Spain than in any other
country. It is then easy to imagine what must have been said
at the court and throughout the Kingdon of Spain concern-
ing so many wives married and divorced, so many learned
and holy men given into the hangman's hands, and the
scandals of every nature which at that time afflicted England.
But in 1547 Henry VIII died, and the new reign of Ed-
ward VI seemed from its commencement to be the dawn of a
new era for the English Marine. The English had never given
up the intention of pushing to the north-west by some way
that would give them a passage to the eastern regions of
Cathay, and they had made several attempts. Thus in 1527
two ships sailed with supplies of every thing needed ; but the
expedition was unable to get beyond 53° N. L. : one ship was
lost and the other returned without achieving any important
result. In 1536, another expedition sailed, but this was more
unfortunate than the former, and left no trace of itself beyond
the memory of the famine suffered and the horrors that fol-
lowed it. * To give a strong impulse to the new expeditions
that were thought of, the bad result of such expeditions having
destroyed the courage of English sailors to put their skill a-
gain to the proof, a man was needed who would be able to re-

* Hakluyt, iii, 129— Purchas, iii, 809.

CABOT IN THE SERVICE OF EDWARD VI. 263

store courage and by confidence in his own ability inspire
confidence in the heart of others. This man for England
could only be Sebastian Cabot.

From a royal ordinance of October 9, 1547, it seems that
steps to secure Cabot's return to England were taken in the
first year of King Edward's reign, and that an agreement was
had. By that the King orders the payment of a certain
" amount for bringing Cabot to England." * The mistake in
transcribing the name throws no doubt on Sebastian Cabot's
being the pilot that was asked for and expected. But his de-
parture from Spain must have undergone unlooked-for delay,
for a new decree of King Edward gives us to understand that
Sebastian was not in England till towards the end of 1548.
This decree is of January 6, 1549, and by it the King, after
setting forth the services theretofore rendered by Sebastian
Cabot to England, and those then anticipated, establishes in
his favor, for the term of his natural life, an annuity of one
hundred and sixty-six pounds sterling, thirteen shillings, and
four-pence, and orders the payment to date back from the
feast of St. Michael, Archangel, of the previous year, that is,
from September 29, 1548. f The day from which the pension
began to run, indicates, as it seems to me, the date of Se-
bastian's arrival in England. As to the amount of the pension
granted him, it should be observed that it would be very mean
if taken at the present value of money, but in Hakluyt's opin-
ion, and he wrote soon after the fact, it had a very generous
appearance in those days. "J

* " October 9th, 1547.

. "Mr. Peckham had warrant for 100 li for the transporting of one Shabot &
Pilot to come out of Hispain to serve and inhabit in England. " Extract from
the minutes of the Privy Council of Edward VI.

f " Et ulterius de uberiori gratia nostra ac de advisamento et consensu
praedictis damus et per praesentes concedimus prsefato Sebastiano Cabotse, tot
et tantas denariorum summas ad quotet quantas dicta annuitas sive annalis
reditus . . ... . .a festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli ultimo praeterito hue

usque seextenditetattingit habendaset recipiendas] " - V. App.

xlv.

% In the Dedication of the first volume of his enlarged work to Lord Charles
Howard, High Admiral of England, lb. "King Edward the sixth . . . advanced
the worthy and excellent Sebastian Caboto to be grand Pilot of England,

264

THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

What negotiations and agreements passed between the Eng-
lish government and Cabot we know not. It is generally said,
on Hakluyt's authority, that Sebastian was appointed Grand
Pilot of England; * but Biddle labors to show by many argu-
ments that this office was not instituted till afterwards. + But
as his doubt concerns the form not the substance of the mat-
ter, for he rather believes that the authority given to Cabot
was greater than that afterwards conferred upon those who ob-
tained the high position of grand Pilot, it suffices simply to
mention a question which may be of interest for the general
history of the English marine, but is of no material importance
for the special history of Sebastian Cabot.

Under whatever title, then, he was restored to the English
service, there is no question but what he held a very high
rank in it. And what authority his counsel and judgment at
once acquired is shown by the instance of James Alday, who
had presented a certain plan of his for a voyage to the east,
and obtained the necessary approval of the king ; but Sebas-
tian Cabot giving an adverse opinion, the license was with-
drawn, as Alday himself mournfully relates J Purchas, from
an inscription which he found on a portrait of Sebastian
Cabot in the royal palace of Whitehall, supposed that he had
been knighted, and on this presumption in the course of his
work gives him the title of Sir. The inscription read : Effi-
gies Sebastiani Caboti angli, filii Joannis Caboti militis aurati. §
True, militis aurati might be referred to the father as well as to
the son, but to decide between them, it is far more likely that
the honor was conferred on the son, as Purchas interpreted it,
and that he obtained it just at this time when he returned to
the service of England with the fame of the services rendered
to Spain. But Biddle denies that the honor was conferred on

allowing him a most bountifull pension of 166 li. VI s. VIII d. by the yeere
during his life."

* See preceding note.

f Memoir, bk. i, ch. 15, p. 176, and Appendix, p. 311.

J". ...the very trueth is that I was from tlie same voyage lested by the Prince's
letters, which my master, Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my
great griefe. " — Hakluyt, vol.i, part.ii, p. 463.

§ Purchas, vol. iv, p. 1812.

cabot's position in the English service. 265

him, and maintains by many examples of the expression that
was usual in those times, that it would have been equitis au-
ra f I and not militis* But whether he was knighted or not,
Sebastian Cabot had now risen to such greatness, that he
could have gained or lost nothing by it. It would not do,
however, to omit all mention of it in his history.

The pressing insistance of Spain to get Sebastian Cabot
back shows clearly that his departure was unexpected,
and that he only discovered himself when he felt safe on Eng-
lish soil. And it is easy to understand that this fact must
have produced a very painful impression in Spain ; for the
first thought to arise in the mind of every one would be
that the entrance of the Grand Pilot into the service of
England was connected with some maritime expedition
that was contemplated, and it was for Spain's best interest to
retain control as long as she could of the new routes of com-
merce. And an enterprise led by Cabot for the account of an-
other Power was fraught with all the more danger from his
being privy to all the maritime and commercial secrets of
Spain. No one, then, will blame her for being suspicious of
this sudden defection of her Grand Pilot and fearing every
thing. But let us hasten to say at once that among all the
charges so freely brought against Cabot by Spanish historians,
there was never the slightest allusion to his having given any
reason to believe that he was wanting in the delicacy due to
the office he had held.

As soon as Spain knew that the Grand Pilot had left, she
made a strong appeal to the English government to order his
immediate return. The appeal was made through Sir Thomas
Cheyne and Sir Philip Hoby, who were on a mission for Eng-
land to Charles V at Brussels. Through them the Emperor
on the 25th of November, 1549, asked England to send Se-
bastian Cabot, because he " is a v (erie) necessary man

for the emperour whose servaunt he is (and) hath a pencion of
him . . . " f That Cabot on entering the service of England
gave up his emoluments in Spain is obvious and natural.

* Biddle, bk. i, p. 181. t See App. xlviii.

266 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

But from the Emperor's words it is seen that Spain had not
accepted his resignation, but regarded him as still in her ser-
vice and pay. This is more clearly shown by the fact that
the chair of cosmography in the Casa de Contratacion at Se-
ville being vacated by his departure, no successor was
appointed, but the pilot Alonzo de Chavas was employed to fill
it during his absence in England. * It is quite clear that the
Emperor had understood that the quitting of his service was
entirely the work of England, and therefore in requesting di-
rectly from her the return of his servant and stipendiary,
he sought to force her to send him back herself. But crafty
as the Spanish astuteness was in pushing forward and com-
promising England, it was met by equal skill on her part in
drawing back and sheltering herself. The answer to the im-
perial request was sent to Sir Philip Hoby who remained as
English Ambassador in Flanders. It was dated at Greenwich
April 21, 1550, and ran thus : "And as for Sebastian Cabot,
answere was first made to the said Ambassador that he was
not deteined heere by us, but that he of himself refused to go
either into Spayne, or to the Emperor, and that he being of
that mind and the King's subjecte, no reason nor equitie
wolde that he shude be forced or compelled to go against his
will. Upon the which answere the said Ambassador said,
that if this were Cabot's answere, then he required that
the said Cabot, in the presence of some one whom we coud
appoint, might speke with the said Ambassador, and declare
unto him this to be his mind and answere. Whereunto we
condescended, and at the last sent the said Cabot with Rich-
ard Shelley to the Ambassador, that he was not minded to go
neither into Spayne nor to the Emperor. Nevertheless having
knowledge of certein things verie necessarie for the Emperor's
knowledge, he was well contented for the good will he
here the Emperor to write his minde unto him, or declare
the same here to anie such as shude be appointed to here

* " Se le mando regentar la Catedra de Cosmografia, que Sebastian caboto
ausente en la lnglaterra, habia ensefiado en la Casa de Contratacion de Se-
villa."— Navarrete, Bibl. Marit, lib. ii, p. 16.

CABOT REFUSES TO GO BACK TO SPAIN. 267

him. Whereunto the said Ambassador asked the said Ca-
bot, in case the king's Majestie or we shude command him
to go to the Emperor, wheter then he wold not do it ; where-
unto Cabot mad answere, as Shelley reportethe, that if
the King's Highnes or we did command him so to do, then
he knew weli noughe what had to do. But it semets that the
Ambassador tooke his answere of Cabot to sound as though
Cabot had answered, that being comanded by the King's
Highnes or us, that then he wolde be contented to go to the
Emperor, wherein we rekon the said Ambassador to be
deceived, so that he was fullie determined not to there at all."
The Letter is to be found among the Harley MSS. *

That there was an agreement with Cabot how he should
act, so as to succeed in their plan without giving the Emperor
any grounds for a justifiable complaint against England, is evi-
dent from the concluding words of the ministers to the Eng-
lish representative, where they confidently give the true mean-
ing to the ambiguous words of Cabot, "then he knew well
enough what he had to do. " But this did not cause Spain
to give up all thought of getting him back, andJwe find the Em-
peror on September 9, 1553, making another attempt, writing
for the purpose to Mary Tudor, who had succeeded her brother
Edward on the throne of England. But the tone of this letter
is quite different from that of the one of November 25, 1549.
This time the emperor does not insist as master, but asks the
Queen of England as a favor to give Sebastian Cabot, formerly
Pilot of the Spanish realms, now removed to and residing
in England with the consent and approval of the King of Spain,
permission to come to him as he has need to communicate
with him concerning some matters affecting the safety of the
navigation of the Spanish realms, f The previous letter of
1549 shows whether the Emperor spoke truthfully or not,
when he asserted that Cabot had removed to England with the
consent and approval of the King of Spain; but by this euphemism
the Emperor defended his self-love which had been hurt by
Cabot's flight and his refusal to return. % But this attempt

• No. 523; Art. 2. — Biddle, p. 175. f App. xlviii. % Harrisse, p. 363, n.

268 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

was no more successful than the other, and Cabot did not stir
from England. An invincible rancor against him was felt in
Spain, and from the point of view of patriotic sentiment, they
were not to blame. The Spanish historians are a clear and
constant evidence of this ill-feeling, for about this time and a
little later, they speak of him and of the share he had in the
voyages and discoveries of Spain, in terms through which tran-
spires, as we have elsewhere observed, that animosity which
usually hides or veils the undeniable merit of our enemies,
while on the contrary exaggerating their defects, throwing into
shadow the attenuating circumstances and justifications.

In the record of privy expenses of King Edward there are
found entered under the year 1550, two hundred pounds ster-
ling in favor of Sebastian Cabot.*

We know not why or for what purpose this amount was paid
him; perhaps it was with a general view to binding him more
firmly to the interests of England.

The next year, 1551, we find Cabot treating with Venice
for his services. Why was this ? As the documents we possess
do not inform us, we can only look to the general circum-
stances of the time for some answer to this question. First, let
us see how matters were proceeding, and then try to obtain the
answer desired from the general circumstances of those times.

James Soranzo, Venetian ambassador to England, under
date of August 17, 1551, communicated to that Kepublic cer-
tain proposals made to him by Sebastian Cabot for making
an expedition in the name and under the flag of St. Mark.
Soranzo's dispatch cannot be found, but we have the reply
made by the Ten, dated the 12th of the following September,
and with the aid of this we may be able to restore the course
of things with tolerable correctness. Cabot, then, made known
to Soranzo "his plan of navigation" and "gave him detailed

* "An acquittaunce to the Treasurer and Barons of Thexcheker for the
payment of diverse somes of monie by the counsailes warrant as follower!), from
the feast of Easter an° 4 Ed. VI. untill michalmas following f°. 66, etc. To Se-
bastian Cabote\c\\\ byway of the K. M. rewarde.— "M. S. Reg. 18 G. XXIV,—
cited by J. G. Nichols, Literary Remains of King Edward VI. T. I, CXXXIX.
London, 1857.

NEGOTIATIONS WITH VENICE. 269

information concerning himself and his circumstances." The
first difficulty to get over was to find a way for Cabot to go to
Venice and explain his views in person, without exciting the
suspicion of England. The means devised was this. Cabot
was to say that he had some old debts due to him at Venice,
and certain property which he wished to recover : but as the
affair would be very difficult to transact at such great distance,
he should request the English government to interpose its
good offices with the Republic of Venice to give him special
aid to expedite the affair. It was so done. The English
government, in compliance with his request, wrote to its am-
bassador at Venice, who was asked to appear before the
Council of Ten and make the recommendation. One of the
secretaries of the council was John Baptist Ramusio, the fa-
mous compiler of Voyages and Navigations, a personal friend,
through epistolary correspondence, of Sebastian Cabot. The
recommendation was put in his hands, he being designated,
it would seem, by Cabot himself, as one in whom he had full
confidence, and who would take an interest in the matter. *
Cabot certainly designated the good Ramusio because he
knew how zealous he was for all that concerned discovery, and
he could safely count on his support. The Council of Ten,
warned by Soranzo, answered the English ambassador that
they were very glad to learn in what esteem and confidence a
subject of the Republic was held in England, and that they
would be eager to satisfy the wishes of Cabot and the English
ministers. But at the same time they began to hold up their
hands, observing that the question of these credits and prop-
erty ran back more than half a century ; that all who could
have told any thing about them were dead, and no written rec-
ord of them remained. At any rate, they would at once order
Ramusio to commence the necessary searches with all dili-
gence, f

* " Delivered to one of their secretaries Baptista "Ramusio, whom Cabot put
in trust, such evidences as came to his hands." App. 1.

f "They have commanded Ramusio to eansearch with diligence any and all
Knowledge possible that may stand to the said Sebastian's profit and obtain-
ing of right." From the English Ambassador's dispatch communicating to bis
government the answer he bad received from the council of Ten. lb.

270 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

The eagerness with which the Council of Ten conducted the
affair proves their desire of bringing it to an end. The same
day that the English ambassador presented the recommenda-
tion for Cabot they replied to the ambassador Soranzo. They
first praised him for his diligence, and charged him to tell
Cabot that " his offer was most welcome. " Then referring to
the excuse devised for bringing Cabot to Venice, they wrote :
" And as to the question asked of you by their Lordships,
about the credits he pretends and the recovery of property,
you will tell them that we wish to do all we can to gratify
his Majesty and their Lordships, but Cabot not being known
to any one here, it will be necessary for him to come himself
to prove his identity and his reasons, the matters of which he
speaks being very old, and we have given the same answer to
His Excellency, the ambassador of his Majesty." And after urg-
ing the ambassador to exert himself to have the permission
given to Cabot to proceed to Venice as soon as possible, they
conclude by saying " you will continue in the meantime to
endeavor to learn from him in more detail the plan of that
navigation, giving particular information of the whole to the
chiefs of the Council of Ten." * On the same day, September
12, the English ambassador likewise wrote to his government,
informing it of the recommendation made, and the answer
received, f

These two letters contain all the information we have in
the matter. Why did it fall through ? and by whose fault ?
We are entirely in the dark, but, if I am not mistaken, it is
easy to see through this darkness, and discover what hap-
pened.

Sebastian Cabot's return to England had been settled and
agreed on, as we saw, as early as the Autumn of 1547, and
we find him in the following year in the service of England.
That he went thither with a plan fully prepared and agreed
on for what he was expected to do, is a thing too evident to
need proof. The correspondence with Venice was not till
1551, and then he had been three years in England. During

* App. xlix. f App. 1.

NEGOTIATIONS WITH VENICE. 271

that time, what steps had been taken to put his plan in ex-
ecution ? None whatever. He was just where he had been
on his return to England. Why was this ? It was owing to
the sad circumstances in which England was then placed.
Did the future show on the horizon any way to greater hope ?
The future was darker than the present : and if the present
offered nothing, less still was to be expected from the future.
King Edward was a minor, and among the persons who
stood nearest to him and governed in his name, there was
fierce and unrelenting rivalry for power. On March 20,
1549, Thomas Seymour, the King's ancle and grand admiral
of England, was dragged to the scaffold and beheaded ; and it
was his brother, the Duke of Somerset, the head of the Regency
with the title of Protector, who sent him to execution out
of fear of his ambition. Three years later, January 22, 1552,
the Duke Protector himself mounted the scaffold through the
efforts and craft of the Earl of Warwick, who coveted his
position as the first in the Kingdom after the King. In the
midst of this strife of fraud and blood, what progress could be
made in the peaceful mission for which Sebastian Cabot had
been invited ? Sebastian's proposals to Venice were made just
at the time that the Duke of Somerset fell from his greatness
and met his end at the hands of the executioner. At that time,
I believe, Cabot, hopeless of his future in England, turned
to Venice to see if in that quarter, however distant from the
field of his operations, a way could be found to carry out
the great designs he was revolving in his mind. But when he
perceived that Somerset's fall did not destroy the confidence
they had in him, and that his plan might still hope for a suc-
cessful execution in England ; then, I think, he let the mat-
ter drop at Venice, and pressed it no further ; just as he had
acted in Spain, where we saw him insist for a moment on
his offer to Venice, and then cease to prosecute it. We are
therefore forced to suppose that he only recurred to Venice
when in the necessity of his circumstances no other course
seemed open.

Looking at the matter in this aspect (which I hold to be un-
doubtedly the true one), all the invective and accusation of

272 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

treachery which Harrisse heaps on him, as though he wanted
to sell underhand to Venice the secrets he had learned in Eng-
land, falls to the ground. No: Cabot was not a fickle man chang-
ing his opinions from day to day, still less greedy of gain and
wealth, ready to sell himself for the best offer ; but on the con-
trary, a man of genius, his whole mind enamored of a lofty
ideal which he sought to actualize, and not having the means
himself to carry it out, he chooses what seems to him the best
way to gain his end, and when he finds this way closed
or blocked, he rushes to some other road that offers to reach
the goal he is striving for.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Project of Navigation to the North-East.

Cabot was now nearly an octogenarian, but his bodily fibre
was unusually robust and his mind as strong and clear as in his
prime. And surely the stout old man must have felt himself
restored to youth when he found himself again free and un-
trammelled in the field of his greatest glory, and could open his
mind without reserve to the bold enthusiams of his earlier
days. But returning to the glorious fields of his former vic-
tories to fight more battles there, the plan of warfare
which he brought with him was quite different from
that on which he had performed his first campaign. The
cause of this change must be sought for in the more extended
and certain knowledge on the conformation and size of our
globe that had since been acquired. When the two Cabots in
1497, in search of a way of communication with Asia, sailed
to the north-west, they believed that in this direction there
was nothing interposed between Europe and Asia except a few
islands, and that the two continents faced one another. But
now the discoveries of Balboa, Pizarro, Cortez, Cartier, and
the voyage of Magellan had shown that there was a great con-
tinent instead, and beyond that continent an immense ex-

IGNORANCE OF NORTHERN GEOGRAPHY. 273

panse of ocean before reaching the land of spices. The goal
of their navigation was become too distant, and the great dis-
tance rendered vain the results hoped for from putting Eng-
land in direct communication with the -eastern countries
of Asia by way of the northern seas of the west. This
consideration turned his thoughts to ascertaining if it
was not possible to open that way of communication by
the east, sailing along the northern lands of Europe and
Asia.

To appreciate the value of the question which Sebastian
Cabot proposed to his learning and skill, we must remember
the state of Geography in those days in all that related to the
northern portion of Europe. In this we are wonderfully as-
sisted by the chart which Cabot himself composed in 1544,
and which as the latest in date comprises the studies of all the
others which preceded it, and presents the most complete
picture of geographical knowledge at the time of which our
narrative is now treating. "If we compare," says a learned
writer, "the Map of the World of Martin Behaim and the
Planisphere of Sebastian Cabot, we shall see at a glance
what wonderful progress geographical science had made in
the short space of time that separates 1492 from 1544. The
general outline of the two great continents no longer provokes
a smile. Africa and India, Cathay, Japan, America as far
as Magellan's Strait, are known : but as soon as we cast our
eyes on the northern part of our hemisphere, as soon as we
want to go in that direction beyond the 53rd degree of lat-
itude, we stop in astonishment. How explain that the cosmog-
raphy of the sixteenth century could collect such exact no-
tions of the portions of the globe most recently discovered,
while still reduced to tracing the shores of the Baltic, the
coasts of Norway, on the faith of Ptolemy's eight books and
twenty-six tables? Because beyond the 53rd degree the domain
of the Hanseatic League commences. The port of Sluys on
the coast of Flanders, that of Antwerp at the^ mouth of the
Scheldt,marked throughout the middle ages the extreme limit
which the merchant squadron of Venice bound themselves
never to cross. Other nations at times ventured to infringe on

18

274 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the zone which the Hanse towns had reserved for themselves ;
they never entered it without a combat, and it was in vain that
the Dutch in the y earl 43 7 hoisted a broom at their mast-heads
to show the world that they came to sweep tyrants from the
sea"*

The mention here made of the Hanseatic League may not
be sufficiently clear to all readers, and as it must come di-
rectly into our narrative further on, it is best to tell here briefly
what it was and what it aimed at. About 1241, the cities of
Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg were led by their community
of interests to form a league together to exclude and keep a-
way from their sphere of commercial action all those, par-
ticularly Danes and Norwegians, who wanted to thrust them-
selves into it and divide with them the profits. Many others
afterwards joined these three cities, so that the league ac-
quired such strength that the most powerful monarchs
were obliged to come to terms with them. This is the league
that was called Hanseatic from the German term, Hanse, As-
sociation. All the territory that emptied into the Baltic was
subjected to the commercial power of this league : and so, not
only from Germany, but from the most inland and distant re-
gions of Russia, all the wares and the products of either agricult-
ure or manufacture that wanted to come into commerce had
to apply to the league. Three great factories, besides
many smaller, at Novgorod, Bergen, and London, collected
for it from the most distant places and transported from one
point to another its merchandize and exchanges, and in this
way it had spread over all the northern regions like a net into
which it attracted or forced every thing that could be made
an article of commerce. Whoever wanted to sell had to ap-
ply to it, and whoever would buy, purchase from it. With
this close net in the northern parts was connected the Vene-
tian net for other parts : and the place of connection was first
Bruges and afterwards Antwerp. The caravan of ships and
merchants which sailed from Venice in the beginning of

* Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 Jain 1876, Les Marins au xvi Siecle, par M. le
Vice-Amiral E. Jurien de La Gravis re, p. 767.

THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 275

Spring, and extended to all the lands and harbors of the
Mediterranean, the Black Sea, the Red Sea, and the shores of
the Atlantic, went to deposit in one or the other of these cities
the merchandise and exchanges which the rest of the world
sent to the regions of the north, and found there, ready to
ship, the merchandise and exchanges which the regions of
the north sent to their brother peoples. But as the Hanseatic
League took care not to infringe on the seas and lands reserved
for Venice, Venice with equal delicacy and scruple avoided
even entering within the domain of the league. This agree-
ment was so well observed on both sides that there never was
any cause of discord or complaint between them. In this
way all means of acquiring geographical knowledge of the
seas, which the jealousy of the Hanseatic League reserved for
itself exclusively, was cut off ; and it would tell nothing, be-
cause it was its interest to keep all those places in obscurity
and mystery. It is therefore no wonder that in the middle
of the sixteenth century, when for more than fifty years the out-
line of Africa had been known, the southern part of Asia
visited, nearly all the boundaries of the New Continent ex-
plored, and for many years the whole globe had been gone a-
round ; it was not yet known whether Europe was bounded at
the north by sea, or its northern lands continuing to extend be-
yond the Pole, went on to join the northern lands of America.
We have already seen that just in the middle of that century,
in 1550, Ramusio printed these words: "Why cannot the princes
.... cause. . . . discovery towards the north where the land of
Labrador is, and see whether it joins Norway or there is sea be-
tween ?"* It was then a real problem which Cabot proposed to t
study and solve. We know not when he first turned his mind
to it, but it was certainly in the early part of his residence
in Spain, and probably immediately after America was
recognized as a continent and that beyond it was an im-
mense ocean before reaching Asia. It is certain that on
his return to England he was strong for giving the Eng-
lish navigations the new direction.!

* Ramusio, Belle Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. i, p. 115.

f " Si aveva messo in fantasia Sebastiano Caboto e molti anni col

276 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

In the second volume of Ramusio, edition of 1606 b^
Giunti at Venice, on page 211, there is a description of a
voyage in this new direction under the title, "navigazione di
Scbastiano Cabote." It is evidently not Ramusio's work, be-
cause wanting in his first edition, and in some particulars at
variance with the ideas put forth by him in other places.*
It is an addition inserted in the second edition of his great
collection, when he had been sleeping for some time in his
peaceful grave. This account is a mere log-book of the
vessel as it proceeded on its course. The voyage of which it
speaks is there said to have taken place in 1556, and this date
is of itself enough to exclude all possibility of its having be-
longed to Sebastian Cabot, for he was then close on to 85
years of age, and a man of that age, however robust, cannot
set out on a long, new voyage, full of unknown difficulties
and dangers, like that in search of a passage through the
frozen seas of the extreme north. It is easy to recognize that
this account refers to one of the many attempts which the
English made in those days to find a passage by the north-
east. The collector himself says as much in his preface to the
account : "Of the many navigations since that our men have made
in Moscovy, only this one is described here.''! Inquiring to
which of those vo}^ages the description might relate, it is found
to correspond beyond doubt to the voyage made to those seas
by Stephen Burrough, who was one of the most expert seamen
that England could boast of in those days, and who held the
position of Grand Pilot in that country.

But the mistake of the anonymous collector tends all the
more to the glory of Sebastian Cabot, and has for us the value

pensiero discorso haveva, poter essere che qualche passo fosse nel mare setten-
trionale, per il quale o di verso levante o di verso ponente con breve navi-
gatione e facile da queste uostre parti nel grande Oceano Indico passare si
potesse ..." Ramusio, Ediz. 1606, vol. ii, p. 212. V. App. li. — also Eden
" who (Sebastian Caboto) long before had this secret in is minde. Decad. fol.
256.

* Ramusio always calls Sebastian Cabot a Venetian. This other anonymous
writer begins his narrative thus : «' Sebastian Cabot, an Englishman."

f ' 'De molte navigazioni poi che i nostri hvomini hanno in Moscoma fattey
questa sola in questo luogo si descrive. '■

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-EAST. 277

of an historical document, for in this error he is, as it were, the
echo of the general opinion then entertained in relation
to these new voyages which the English were making to the
north-east ; namely, that they were all the fruit of Sebastian
Cabot's studies and activity ; and the intrepid navigators
who advanced amid the terrors of those new lands, were only
carrying out the work conceived and calculated by him. In-
deed, Burrough was pilot on the first voyage which Sebastian
Cabot promoted to those parts, and rising afterwards to
the honor of commanding an expedition himself, he merely
continued, like all the rest, the work commenced by Cabot.
Besides this, the description of this voyage enters directly, as
a document, into the story of Sebastian Cabot by the preface
which the anonymous collector prefixes to it, in which
he hints at some of the arguments on which Cabot based the
possibility of that passage. It is true he unites the under-
takings of father and son in a single one, the old voyages by
the west and the new by the east ; but as those arguments
have little or nothing to do with the western voyages,
and the anonymous collector himself draws the conclusions
from them only in regard to the eastern voyages, we must
presume that they are intended to refer to the latter only, and
that it was from want of order and precision that John Cabot
and the western voyages were also related. * But unfort-
unately the mention is so miserably brief that it hardly
amounts to any thing, whereas both the man who imagined
the possibility of that passage and studied it out, and the
greatness of the deed in relation to those times make us sup-
pose a long and varied study before its possibility was firmly
rooted in Cabot's mind. The anonymous collector himself
hints at this long labor, when he tells us that Sebastian
Cabot had discussed that subject with his thoughts for many
years. But then, when he comes to specify that long dis-
cussion that Sebastian Cabot had made, he says in general

* " These are the principal arguments, trusting in which, Sebastian Cabot
persuaded the men of these countries that they could pass by the northern sea
by the side of the east."— See App. li.

278 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

terms " he was induced to imagine this thing partly by
the testimony of some ancient authors, and partly by
the experience of many moderns," and then for the testi-
mony of the ancients he mentions two facts, one in the days
of the Romans and the other in the middle ages : and for the
experience of the moderns he merely gives a brief hint as to
what was known, or supposed to be known, of the conformation
of the lands and seas of the extreme east.

The ancient fact is taken from Pliny's Natural History
where it is related on the authority of Cornelius Nepos.
Here are Pliny's words : "The same Nepos, concerning a
northern circuit, relates that Q. Metellus Celer, colleague of L.
Afranius in the consulship, but at this time proconsul of
Gaul, received as a present from the King of the Suevi some Ind-
ians who, while sailing from India for purposes of commerce,
had been driven on the German coast. "* Pomponius Mela
likewise refers the same story to Cornelius Nepos : "For
some time it was doubtful what was beyond the Caspian Gulf :
whether it was an ocean or a land intolerable from cold and
endlessly extended. But besides the authority of physicists
and of Homer who said that the whole earth was surrounded
by water, we have Cornelius Nepos of higher authority
because more recent, who gives Metellus Celer as a proof of
the fact," and then gives the same account as Pliny. f To
understand how the Romans could so easily credit the story
of this shipwreck, we should bear in mind that for them the
Caspian Sea was only a gulf of the Northern Ocean, of which
the Baltic was likewise a part, so that from the Cimbric
Chersonese ( modern Jutland ) it was, according to them, di-
rectly navigable to the northern mouth of the Caspian.^ That

* "Idem Nepos de septeutrionali circuital tradit Q. Metello Celeri, L. Afranii
in consulatu collegae, sed turn Galliae proconsuli, Indos a rege Suevorum dono
datos, qui ex India commercii causa navigantes tempestatibus essent in Ger-
rnaniam abrepti."— Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. ii, cap. 67.

f " Ultra Caspium sinum quidnam esset, ambiguum aliquandiu fuit; idemne
Oceanus an Tellus infesta frigoribus, sine ambitu ac sine fine projecta. Sed
praeter physicos Homerumque, qui uuiversum orbem mari circumfusum esse
dixerunt, Cornelius Nepos, ut recentior, ita auctoritate certior ; testem auteni
rei Metellum Celerem . . . . " Pompon. Mela, De Situ Orbis, iii, 5, 8.

X See the geographical charts according to the system of Eratosthenes, Hip-

INDIANS WRECKED ON THE GERMAN COAST. 279

from the Caspian it was possible to sail uninterruptedly to the
Indies, was regarded as certain on Strabo's authority. "The
mouth of the Caspian or Hircanian sea is much farther north:
it is about six thousand stadia distant from the middle of the
Caspian and from the Armenian and Median mountains, and
seems to be the most northern point of the whole coast and pos-
sible to sail around as far as India, as Patrocles, the governor
of these places, says." * And in another place he says :
"They do not admit that it is possible that some sailed around
from India to the Hyrcanian, but Patrocles found it so. f

As to Cornelius Nepos's account, there being no reason for
denying the shipwreck of strangers on the German coast, it
has been asked what people these supposed Indians belonged
to. Some have thought they were Esquimaux from Labra-
dor or Greenland, driven on our shores by north-west gales." J

During the middle ages geography made no progress in the
knowledge of these regions. And as the Arab writers of the
tenth century had told of a ship sailing from Siraph harbor
in the Persian Gulf, carried by the force of the currents into the
Caspian Sea, whence passing through a channel it reached

parchus, and Strabo, annexed to the French translation of Strabo, Paris, Im-
primerie Imperiale, 1805.

* (( . . . ?E6rai 8 s rd rov drojuaroS rrjS KaditiaS Qa\dddr}$ site 'Tpn-

av/ai TtdfxitoXv ri dpHrixdorEpa • oitEp rov vvxcv rr/S Ka6nia% nai tgdv
'Ap/usviaHGov nal MrjdiKoov dpcSv Siexsi Kepi s^aKidxihiovS drad/ovt,
nai Sohei rrjS dvrr1% itapaXiaS jusxpi TV'= 'IvSixrfi dpHtiHoorspov eivcu
dtjueloVy nal 7tEp/7tXovv exeiv 'ccxo rfjS 'Iv8ixr)S Svvarov, a°5 (prjdiv 6 rcSv
Toitaov r// >/ docfXEVoS tovtgov liar poKkr)% .» Strab. Geogr. lib. ii, p. 74, sub
finem.

+ "Ovx buoXoyoVdi 8k on itEoiEit\EVdav nvz$*aitt rf ? 'lv8iKrj$ titl tr,v
'TpKaviav, on Ss Svvarov, IlarpoKkrft EiprjKE— Id. ib. lib. xi, p. 518, sub

finern.

%" Siya no fuesen de Tierra del Labrador, y los tuviesen por Indianos,
engafiados en el color."— Goraara, Historia delas lndias.fol. 7. - And Corne-
lius WytflVt, in his additions to Ptolemy's Geography published in 1597 : —
" Iudos quondam lempestatibus in Suevorum et Germanise litora eiectos et L.
Metello Celeri dono datos, non ex ultimis (Mentis et Occidentis partibus, uti
quibusdam visum est, sed ex hac Laboratoris et Estotilandioe aut vicinis ter-
ris venisse constanter teneo, mecumque sentiet quicumque climatis rationem
expenderit." Others instead have held that they were merely Wends, a Slav-
onian people dwelling on the southern shores of the Baltic— See Vivien de
St. Martin, Histoire de la Geographic, 2?. 176.

280 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

the coast of Syria ; * so amongst our own writers iEneas Syl-
vius Piccolomini, in the same century in which America was
discovered, and the most southerly point of Africa was passed,
relates from Otto of Freisingen that, "an Indian ship with
Indian merchants was taken on the coast of Germany which
evidently had been driven there from the east ; which could
not possibly have happened if, as many suppose, the north-
ern sea was frozen and unnavigable. f The fact reported by
Piccolomini is the second given by the anonymous Collector,
and almost literally translated.

After 'all this, it cannot be wondered at that Sebastian
Cabot, who had sailed over and visited so many seas and
lands, should also accept these stories of vessels from the east-
ern seas of Asia driven by storms into our northern seas.

But to these arguments deduced from the testimony of
writers, he added others drawn from his own profound knowl-
edge of every science that has any affinity to the nautical.
Here one should be glad to know the basis 01 his study and
reasoning : but our desires are even less gratified than in the
historical arguments. For in the latter, treating of a matter of
fact, a mere allusion is sufficient to direct us in imagining
very nearly the process that Sebastian Cabot's mind must have
gone through in its work ; but in the reasoning based on his
extensive and profound learning in nautical, geographical,
and cosmographical studies, we are forced to stop at the simple
mention of it made by Ramusio's new anonymous. The
reasoning reported is entirely based on error, but the blame of
that belongs to the age, not the man. Here is the little that
the anonymous writer gives us : "The other argument was
that beyond the Indian Sea, the Gulf of the Ganges, the
Golden Chersonese or Malacca, and the Province of Sina, J and

* Humboldt, Recherche* Critiques i, p. 480.

fNosapud Othonem leginms sub Imperatoribus Theutonicis Indicam navim
et negociatores Indicos in germanico litore fuisse deprehensos, quos ventis a-
gitatos ingratie ab orientali plaga venisse constabat ; quod accidere minime
potuisset, si, ut plerisque visum est, septentrionale pelagus innavigabile con-
cretumque esset."-— .4smb Europmque Descriptio. Be Mundo in universe-, cap. ii.

X Southern China, mentioned by Ptolemy under the name of Sin*.

cabot's knowledge of the north. 281

beyond the navigation of moderns,* he knew for certain that
this Indian Sea was situated in length (longitude) nearly in
180° f and in breadth (latitude) in the 25th degree, a little
beyond the meridian of Tartary, and the extensive empire of
Cathay (that which is sought after by navigators as the end and
reward of their labors) ; and considering how and how much
this great sea of the Indies was constantly expanding under
that meridian and bending northwards, not lightly or without

reason he judged 'it likely that if our northern sea extended

on the east or west towards the south ... it would not be a
long navigation from 70°,or 60° latitude to 30° in which they
place Cathay, an incredible distance from Moscovy. . . .Trust-
ing in which arguments, he persuaded the men of these coun-
tries that they could pass by the northern sea by the side of
the East .... easily and in a certain time to East India,
or at least reach the Kingdom of Cathay.";):

Vice-admiral Jurien de la Graviere in the article mentioned
further back has made an observation which should be here
copied, for it may throw not a little light on our present subject.
Not a mere man of the sea, he was one of the most learned of
this century in geographical science, and therefore his words
should have great weight.

Speaking of the navigation of the North and Baltic seas in
the time of Sebastian Cabot, he writes : "The Germans, Danes,
Flemings, the fishermen from the north of Scotland, are the
only sailors who have yet visited those shores. Sebastian
Cabot would have gained little by consulting them. These
people have not ceased to deserve the comtemptuous remark
of Prince Henry : ' they know nothing of the use of marine
charts or the compass.' One bright point, however,
never ceased to shine through the thickness of the ancient
darkness. Where you would go to-day to look for Hammer-
fest, Cape North, Varanger Fiord, you will see marked on the
planisphere of 1544 at the bottom of a large gulf the Danish

* The Spanish and Portuguese, who in the first half of the XVI Century vis-
ited the great archipelago of the East Indies,
t From the meridian of Ferro.
X See App. 1.

282 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

fortress of Varduus. * Neither Martin Behaim, extending his
savage Laponia to the North Pole, nor John de la Cosa, nor the
unknown cosmographer of Henry II, mentioned this extreme
station, f Sebastian Cabot points it out to the navigator as
the bourn to double in order to enter the Sea of Tartary, and
wonderful to say, wants very little of putting it in its right

place w % The northern coast of Finmark which extends

a great distance on the same parallel, has really the right to
occupy the 70th degree of latitude as Sebastian Cabot un-
derstands. It is there that Europe ends, and for a serious
cosmographer it is there also that the world should terminate^
This almost exactness on a point so distant that it is only
found on Sebastian Cabot's chart, attests, in my opinion, the
patient investigation he kept making, so far as possible with
the uncertain information current among northern mariners,
on the condition and situation of places in those distant re-
gions. These long and patient investigations are in perfect
keeping with the study he was for years maturing on the pos-
sibility of navigating and crossing those seas.

* Vardoehuus, on the Island of Vardofi, in the Diocese of Tromso6,a city of
200 inhabitants, situated in 70° 22' N. L. and 28° 47' E. Longitude.

t The famous chart known under the name of Henry II, and which would
seem to have been composed between August 1541 and June 1544, and conse-
quently the last iu the series prior to the planisphere composed by Sebastian
Cabot — See Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 210 and s.

% "70° 38' N. L. instead of 70° 22.'— 40° of longitude east from the meridian
of Paris instead of 28° 47'."

§"Les Allemauds, les Danois, les Flamands,les pgcheurs du Nord de l'Ecosse,
sont les senls marins qui aieut encore frequente ces parages. S6bastien Cabot
gagnerait peu a les consulter. Ces gens-la n'ont pas cesse de meriter la dedaig-
neuse exclamation du prince Henri: *ils n'entendentrien al'emploides cartes
marines et de la boussole.' Un point lumineux ne laisse pas cependant de briller
a travers l'epaisseur des antiques tenebres. La ou vous iriez aujourd' hni cher-
cher Hammerfest, le cap Nord, le fiord de Varanger, vous verrez indiquee sur
le planisphere de 1544, au fond d' un large golfe, la forteresse danoise de 'Var-
duus!' Ni Martin Behaim £tendant jusq'au pole sa Laponie sauvage, ni
Juan de la Cosa, ni le cosmographe inconnu d'Henri II, n'ont fait mention de
cette station extreme. Sebastien Cabot la montre au navigateur comme la
borne a doubler pour entrer dans la mer de Tartarie, et, chose merveilleuse, il
s'en faut de bien peu qu'il ne l'ait mise a sa place. "

THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE IN ENGLAND. 283

CHAPTER XXIV.

Expedition to the North-East

In the preceding chapter we had to stop to speak of the
Hanseatic League, on account of the obstacle it was to the ex-
tension of geographical knowledge of the northern portion of
our hemisphere ; now we return to it to tell its relations
with England, for it is from that country that the work for-
warded by Sebastian Cabot sets out. The Hanseatic League
established itself in London in the year 1256, and the com-
pany which was formed there of German merchants took the
name of Steelyard. Its coming seemed at first a blessing to the
commerce of England, which was languishing in the most
squalid misery, and to encourage those merchants in their
action Government was never tired of conferring privileges on
their association. The activity and energy of the merchants
answered these hopes only too well. For, aided by the many
privileges they had acquired, and many more which they were
able to appropriate to themselves by custom and the acquies-
cence of the government and people, supported by their im-
mense wealth, their connections, the warehouses which they
had opened in the most populous centres of England, and by
their correspondence with the most commercial marts of Eu-
rope ; they had reached such point that they not only drew to
themselves the entire commerce of England, but they per-
mitted no exports or imports through any other hands than
their own, defrauding individuals and the government to an
enormous extent, for they fixed the bulletin of prices of every
thing bought by the English, and compelled all foreign
goods coming into England and which should have paid a
good toll to the government, to pass under their flag, which
either exempted them from all customs or reduced the duties to

284 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

an insignificant rate. * As a proof of the enormous prepon-
derance acquired by the German company in English com-
merce, I will only give this, that in the year 1551, it of itself
alone exported from England 44,000 pieces of cloth, and all
the English merchants together only sent out 1,100. f

Seeing the great injury it did the country in every respect,
Edward III and Richard II made great efforts to stimulate
their subjects to navigation. But all their efforts were idle.
The Steelyard Company by craft or arrogance, as suited the
case, gained the favor of Henry VI and imposed its will
on Edward IV. Henry VII was often compelled to oppose it,
and he notified the Diet at Antwerp in 1491, through his rep-
resentatives that thenceforth the German merchants would
be treated in England on the same footing as the English
merchants in the Hanseatic cities. But this amounted to noth-
ing, for English manufactures and commerce were in no posi-
tion to do without the Hanse towns. And so England con-
tinued for sixty years longer to bear the yoke imposed
on her by foreign commerce. The credit of breaking that
yoke and placing England on the road that brought her to
the rank of the richest nation in the world and the Queen of the
Seas, belongs to Sebastian Cabot. On his return to England
he made himself the centre of the national merchants, restored
their drooping courage, and raised their hopes of the future.
His reputation and authority gave special force to his words,
so that, clinging close to him, and guided by his suggestions
and advice, the English merchants presented to the Privy Coun-
cil of King Edward an appeal against the intolerable abuses
and frauds of the Steelyard Company. This company at once
appreciated the danger that threatened them; and with alarm
and energy equal to the danger, they rose to oppose it. They

* Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 144 and s. — Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii,
p. 90. — Mc Pherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. ii, p. 109.— "There is a law
of this reign," says Hume (12 Henry VII ),"containiug a preamble by which it.
appears that the company of merchant adventurers in London, had, by their
own authority, debarred all the other merchants of the Kingdom, from trading
to the great Marts in the Low countries, unless each trader previously paid
them the sum of near seventy pounds." History of England, ch. xxvi.
f Jurien de la Graviere in the Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 Juin, 1876, p. 764.

THE IIAXSEATIC LEAGUE IN ENGLAND. 285

not only put in motion all the influence of their money, their
connections, and adherents, but caused the cities of Hamburg
and Lubeck to interfere officially.

But the government sustained the protest of the merchants
of the nation, and restrained the Steelyard within the privi-
leges it had actually obtained.* This was a deadly blow to
the company ; for a company of national merchants was at
once formed around Cabot, and guided by his good sense,
and incited by his energy, was the origin and beginning of
that marvellous activity and diligence in commerce and
navigation which the English have since displayed through-
out the world.

Strype records a present of £200 to Sebastian Cabot from
King Edward in the month of March of this year.f Biddle,
reasoning from the circumstances of the time, concluded that
this present was in token of the royal satisfaction at the part
he had taken in organizing the company of national
merchants. But as the book of that King's privy expenses
mentions another present, also of £200, the year before,
which we related further back, a doubt remains that Strype
may have mistaken the year of the present.

As soon as the company was formed, Cabot and the mer-
chants began holding many and frequent meetings to con-
sult on their action ; \ and then it was that he disclosed the
secret which according to the anonymous of Ramusio's second
edition, he had jealously guarded even when he was in
Spain, and which Eden affirms he had long thought and
studied over. § This was, as we have already said, the proj-

* The reply to the Steelyard was dated March 25, 1551. In the diary of
the young King Edward published by Burnet in his History of the Reformation,
vol. ii, the progress of the dispute with the Steelyard is found registered
from day to day. " 25 March, 1551. The Answer for the Ambassador of the
Stiliard was committed to the Lord Chancellor, &c."

f "To Sebastian Caboto, the great seaman, 200 pounts, by way of the King's
majesty's reward, dated in March, 1551."— Strype's Historical Memorials, vol.
ii, p. 495.

X ". . . . they (the merchants) began first of all to deal and consult diligently
with him (Caboto)."
t Hakluyt, i. p. 270. Voyage of Richard Chancellor.

§"and whereas I have before made mention ho we Moscovie was in our time

286 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

ect of opening a passage to Asia by the north-east of
Europe. But this secret must be understood of the project
of that navigation as studied out and calculated with all the aid
that study and science can give to a man of genius and
experience like Cabot ; for as to the simple idea of the
possibility of sailing to the north-east to reach Asia, we
have seen that in the days of the Romans and the Greeks, and
in those very years when Cabot was studying this prob-
lem scientifically, others in various places were turning
their mind to it by way of induction, foretelling that some one
would attempt that passage. One of these was Ramusio's
Anonymous who had the long conversation with Sebastian
Cabot in Spain, to which our story has had frequent oc-
casion to refer. In the same discourse at Fracastoro's Villa,
where he relates this conversation, he gives another in
which the thought of this navigation is clearly hinted at. *
And further on, referring to some plans that had been
laid for attracting the trade of Cathay to Russia, but which
had fallen through, he goes on to say : " that if it had
been proposed to sail from the shores of this our northern sea
right along the coast to Cathay the plan might easily
have been carried out. And .... that as to the said seas, it
cannot be doubted that they are navigable for six months of
the year, the days being very long and warm, owing to
the continual reverberation of the solar rays." And much
more directly, in fact absolutely proposing it, Robert Thorne
speaks of it in a letter which he wrote in 1527 to Henry VIII

discovered by Richard Chanceler in his voyage toward Cathay, by the di-
rection and information of M. Sebastian Cabota, who long before had this secret
inhisminde." — Eden's Decad. fol. 256. — And the second Anonim ous of Ra-

musio: — "Sebastiano Cabota il quale. . . .(come esso dir soleva) sin quaudo

in Spagna habitava haveva nella mente tenuto per marinari questo secreto oc-
culto . . . ." — Ramusio, II. Ediz. Venezia, 1606, vol. ii, p. 212.

* Here are his words : "In my young days finding myself in Germany in the
City of Augsburg, there came there an ambassador from the Duke of Moscovy
....speaking with him one day of these Indianscast by fortune on the shores of
Germany, and of the voyage that might be made to discover by the northern seas
the lands of Spices, I observed that he was much surprised at first as at some-
thing which he never could have dreamt of, but after reflecting, it fell into his
fancy and greatly pleased him." Ramusio, vol. i, p. 412.

CABOT PROPOSES THE NORTH-EAST PASSAGE. 287

of England, to urge the searching for a northern passage
to the east of Asia, for which undertaking he proposed, as
we have seen, one of these three ways : by the north-west, or
directly across the pole, or by the north-east. Of the last he
wrote : "If they will go toward the Orient, they shall enjoy the
regions of all the Tartarians, that extend toward the mid-
day, and from thence they may go and proceed to the land of
the Chinas, and from thence to the land of Cathaio Orientall,
which is of all the maine land most oriental that can be reck-
oned from our habitation. And if from thence they doe con-
tinue their navigation, following the coasts that returne tow-
ard the Occident, they shall fall in with Malaca, and so with
all the Indies which we call Orientall, and following the way,
may returne hither by the Cape of Buona Speranza, and
thus they shall compasse the whole worlde."*

But their suppositions and proposals were built in the air,
whereas the project of Sebastian Cabot was accompanied by
all the necessary demonstrations to show that it could be
carried out ; and herein we must believe consisted the secret
he had nursed as far back as when he was in Spain.

The English merchants were exceedingly pleased with
Cabot's plan, both because it greatly shortened the voyage to
the treasures of the extreme east, from the very long distances
sailed by the Spaniards and Portuguese, and because the
position of the new way secured almost the entire benefit to
England. Approving, therefore, his studies and calculations,
they agreed to send to sea three ships to carry out his plan, f
A public subscription was opened, and although the shares
were only put at twenty-five pounds sterling, the necessary
amount was subscribed for in a very short time.;); Every

* Hakluyt i, p. 237.

t " after much speech and conference together, it was at last con-
cluded that three shippes should bee prepared and furnished out, for the search
and discoverie of the Northern part of the world to open a way and passage
to our men for travaile to new and unknown kingdomes." Hakluyt. i, 270.
Narrative of Richard Chancellor.

% "by this companie it was thought expedient, that a certaine summe of
money should publiquely bee collected to ser »• or the furnishing of so many
shippes. And lest any private man should bee £)0 much oppressed and

288 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

shareholder was a member of the new company, which took
the name of Merchant Adventurers of England for the Dis-
covery of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and places unknown ;
but it was commonly known by the shorter form of The Com-
pany of Merchants of Cathay and Russia.* We have
already said that Russia in those days had little more relations
with the rest of Europe than with far-away Cathay, and the
little she sent us of her products, or received of ours, was
wholly in the gripe of the Hanseatic League. The share-
holders elected for directors of the company a board composed
of " grave and prudent persuns, " and this board appointed
Sebastian Cabot governor of the company.!

In fitting out this expedition the precaution was taken for
the first time in England to cover the ships' bottoms with a
thin leaf of lead, to protect them from the worms which often
bored through the hardest oak.+ It was a precaution the Span-
iards had used for some time, and Biddle, observing that they
first put it in practice in 1514, two years after Sebastian Cabot
went over to King Ferdinand's service, and considering his
rapid progress in his career, is inclined to believe it was first
proposed by him.§

But Cabot was not exempt from annoyance and opposition
even among the English. It would indeed have been strange
if ignorance and malice could see a new fact of great import-
ance in preparation and keep silent and not attempt in some
way to attack and bite it. Cabot himself, in §32 of his in-
structions for this voyage, which we shall see further on, alludes

to the difficulties he encountered from "suspicion in some

heads that this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of
the North pole, lacke of passage, and such like, which have

charged, a course was taken, that every man willing to be of the societie,
should disburse the portion of twentie and five pounds apiece ; so that in a
short time by this meanes the summe of sixe thousand pounds being gathered,
the three shippes were bought." Hakluyt, ib. ib.

* "Chiamasi la lor compagnia la compagnia dei Mercanti del Cathais,
over della Russia." Ramusio, Preface already cited.

t" Sebastian Cabot .... governor of the Marcantes of Cathay " . . . . Eden,
fol. 249.

X Hakluyt i, 270. § Memoir i, p. 188.

VARIATION OF THE MAGNETIC NEEDLE. 289

caused wavering minds, and doubtful heads, not only to with-
draw themselves from the adventure of this voyage, but also
diss waded others from the same. . . ."* It is probably at the
time when he was getting this expedition ready that the con-
versation occurred in which Sebastian Cabot explained to King
Edward the declination of the magnetic needle; from which he
was given the glory of being the first to observe that strange
phenomenon. The matter is related by Livy Sanudo,in the
First Book of his Geography, published in 1588, in these words:
" I had been for many years a friend of a gentleman named
Guido Gianneti di Fano, a man worthy of esteem and affec-
tion for his erudition and virtuous habits, and from him I
first heard with wonder that the needle of the compass for
navigation rubbed with a loadstone does not always indicate
the meridian of the observer, but a place some degrees dis-
tant from that meridian ; which place however distant is still
shown by the needle, now at that meridian, and now a little,
and again a good deal away from it : and that Sebastian
Cabot, a Venetian, a most excellent Pilot taught by experience
and by the observations which he had made when sailing to the
Indies, was the discoverer of this secret : which he afterwards
disclosed to the ^sora serene King of England, with whom Gi-
anneti ( as I have heard from others ), was present and
greatly honored : and he showed at the same time what
this distance was, and that it did not appear the same at every
place." f But the fact is, that before Cabot, Christopher Co-
lumbus had observed this phenomenon, on the 13th of Sep-
tember 1492, as he wrote in his journal of his first voyage of
discovery: J and again he speaks of it in the narrative of his
third voyage as a phenomenon observed on his previous voy-
ages. Consequently there can be no question as to the pri-
ority of his observation, and they are in error who gave the
credit to Sebastian Cabot. But though he observed the phe-

* V. App. lviii.

t Oeografia di M. Livio Sanudo, in Vinegia, appresso Damiano Zenaro.
MDLXXXVIII, p. 2.

X See also, Fernando Colombo, cap. xii— lxiii. — Herrera, Dec. i, lib. i, cap.
10— Tarducci, Life of Columbus, i, p. 131.

19

290 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

nomenon subsequently to Christopher Columbus, he had a
much larger field for observation and study, especially as he
could behold it in the two opposite climes of the north and the
south. Whatever explanation of it Cabot gave to King Ed-
ward, for Gianneti, who had never heard of the phenomenon,
it was a great wonder, and as he was ignorant of the pre-
vious observation by Christopher Columbus, he looked on it
as something altogether new.

Did Cabot know the fact about Christopher Columbus ?
It seems very hard to believe he was unaware of it, considering
that Columbus was not the only one to remark that new and
strange phenomenon, but his companions saw it likewise and
were extremely terrified at it ; which occasioned his wonderful
promptness in finding a consistent theory to explain it and
calm their minds.* If the fact was remembered in the Spanish
marine, no one would be more likely to know it than Cabot,
as Pilot-Major, and also as Instructor of cosmography in the
Casa de Contratacion at Seville. How could Cabot represent
himself as the first observer of this phenomenon, I say not, to
Edward VI King of England far from the place and time of
its discovery, but to the Venetian ambassador Contarini, with
whom he was making an agreement to sail for the account of
Venice ?f Contarini not only resided in Spain, and therefore
in a position to know of Christopher Columbus's discovery, and
consequently to contradict Cabot on the spot in his pretentious
boast ; but he was a man to take more interest than any one
else in such phenomenon, if the historian Peter Martyr D'
Anghiera applied to him for advice and explanation in the
difficulties he met with in cosmography.^ And yet themat-

* Journal of C. Columbus, Sept. 17, 1492.— Fernando Colombo, Eistorie,
cap. xix.— Tarducci, Life of Columbus, i, 131—132.

t See ch. xiii.

X A Spanish ship arriving at one of the Moluccas found that it was Thurs-
day wbereas the Spaniard's calculation showed that it ought to be Wednesday ;
and they were all sure that there was no error in their calculation. — From this
they came to suspect that the course of time from our shores to those regions
must have caused the difference. Peter Martyr, having to relate this matter in
his Decades, did not know what to think about it, and to put himself at
ease he had recourse to the great learning of Contarini : " Quando ad Gor-

wtlloughby's expedition. 291

ter was altogether new to Contarini, as appears from his letter
to the Council of Ten, of December 31, 1532, in which he
says : "Discoursing with me on many questions of geography,
amongst other things he told me that he had observed by
means of the compass how to know the distance between two
places from the east to the west, which was very beautiful and
never before observed by others, as your serenity may ascertain
from him when he arrives/'* Nor could Peter Martyr D'
Anghiera have known of it, as he does not mention it in his
Decades on matters of the Ocean. Hence we are driven to the
conclusion that the memory of the discovery made by Colum-
bus was entirely lost in the outcries of joy on his first return,and
the complaints and calamities which came after : and it only
remained recorded in his Journal, from which it was only
brought out to the knowledge of the public after Sebastian
Cabot's death.

Cabot prepared an explanation of this phenomenon to send
with two charts to the Emperor and the Council of the Indies.
He promised himself a great deal from his work, as he clearly
gives us to understand in his letter to John de Samano. Here
are his words : " I intended to bring it [the chart which Sa-
mano had asked for] myself with two others I have made for
his Majesty. I believe His Majesty and the gentlemen of the
council will be satisfied with it, for they will see how one
can sail in a circuit by means of its courses, as is done by a
card, and the reason why the needle northeasts and northwests
(varies to the east or west) and why it was to do it, and must
northeast or northwest so many points before it comes to
point to the north, and in what meridian, and with this His
Majesty will have a sure rule for taking the longitude. "f But

pones navis haee regressa fuit, diem fuisse Mercurii arbitrabantur, Jovis esse
repererunt.— Unde diem unum in eo discursu aiunt sibi ablatum, ea trium

annorum intercapedine Agitatus ea cura conveni Gasparem Contarinum,

oratorem apud caesarem pro sua illustri Republica Veneta, omni litterarum
genere non mediocriter eruditum." Dec. v, cap. 7. —It is needless to say
that I relate tbis anecdote merely as a proof of Contarini's learning and of the
estimation in which he was held on questions of cosmography.

* See App. xxvi.

t "pense de Uevarla yo mismo con ntras dos que tengo fecho para su ma-

292 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

only enough of this writing of his is left to make ns hope
that the rest may some time be brought to light. Richard Eden
relates that Sebastian Cabot on his death-bed, claimed to" pos-
sess. by divine revelation a new and infallible way of deter-
mining longitude, but which he could disclose to no mortal.*
This new and infallible method was that of finding the lon-
gitude by means of the arc of variation made by the magnetic
needle, which was supposed to be parallel to the meridian. +
We know not when Cabot first made use of this method ; still
he was certainly anticipated by Columbus, who determined as-
tronomically a line without declination, on September 13,
1492 : X and on his second voyage in 1496, uncertain of his
position, he ascertained it by observations of the declinations. §

In the beginning of May, 1553, the ships were ready to sail.
Sir Hugh Willoughby was appointed to the command ,of the
expedition, and had with him as chief pilot Richard Chan-
cellor, and as masters William Gefferson, Stephen Burrough,
and Cornelius Durfoorth. ||

Each of the three ships took along for its service a boat and
a small-boat. The flag-ship was named Bona Speranza, of 120
tons; the Edward Bonaventure was of 160, and the Bona

gestad creo que su magestad y los senores del Consejo quedaran satisfechos
della porque veran come se puede navegar por redondo por sus derotas come
se ace por una carta y la causa porque nordestear y noruestea la guya y como
es forcoso que lo baga y que tantas quartas a de nordestear y noruestear antes
que torna a bolverse acia el norte yten que meridiano y con esto terra su ma-
gestad la regla cierta para tomar la longitud." V. App. xlii.

* In the letter of dedication of bis translation of John Taisnerus's work,
already cited.

f A. Humboldt, Cosmos, iv, 50. X See bis Journal.

§ Fernando Colombo, cap. 63.— Humboldt, lb.

II The following note will show the meaning of the term master: — "Dans ces
sortes de campagnes, il faut bien distinguer le commandement militaire du
commandement maritime. L' officier que le souverain a pourvu d'une commis-
sion est 'le capitaine '; celui que la compagnie investitdu soin de preparer et
de manoeuvrer le navire s'apelle 'le master1 ou ie maitrey .... Le
maitre et le pilote ont peu de chose a faire quand l'escadre a pour chef un
Christophe Colomb ou un Magellan. Leur tache garde plus d'importance si ce
chef s'appelle sir Thomas Pert, Cortes, Albuquerque ou Vasco de Gama" —
Vice-Amiral Juriea de la Gravierein the Revue des De"1' Win/fe*., 15 Juinl876,
p. 772,

cabot's instructions. 293

Confidentia, of 90. Even the ship's names show the strong
confidence all had in the success of the enterprise. The first
carried a crew of 46 men, the second of 48, and the third of 28.
The flag-ship was commanded by Sir Hugh Willoughby in
person, with William GefFerson for Master; Richard Chancellor
commanded the second with Stephen Burrough as master.
The Good Confidence had Cornelius Durfoorth both as com-
mander and master.*

As Christopher Columbus had done on his first voyage, Wil-
loughby took letters from King Edward VI for the Kings or
Princes he should meet on his way, written in Latin, Greek,
and many other languages, and dated the 14th of February
of the year of the creation of the world 5515. Although the
expedition was commanded by a General, its purpose was
purely and simply mercantile, and Edward's letter to the
Princes and chiefs of places and tribes that should be met
with on the way to Cathay, only contemplated entering into
treaties of amity with those peoples for the interest and profit
of both parties. f Sebastian Cabot delivered to Willoughby
his instructions for the voyage, consisting of thirty-three par-
agraphs, which form a document of value not only on account
of his great sense and experience, but also of his goodness of
heart. He resembles a father about to start his young son
on his first journey in the world, with no experience of men
or affairs : he would seem to want to point out each step of
the way, advise and warn him of every thing, and never tire
of repeating his counsels and admonitions. They are dated on
the eve of sailing, May 9, 1553.+ Their excessive length makes
it impossible to give them in full ; whoever desires to know
them will find them in the Appendix. But special mention
must be made of the minute and wise rules concerning the
internal discipline of the ships, the relations of the sailors to
each other, of inferiors to the commander, and his to them.
The poor old man in writing these admonitions may perhaps
have felt the wound, which never had healed, of what he
had to suffer in his expedition to the Moluccas, open afresh.

•Hakl'iyt, ch. i, p. 238. t Id. ib. p. 236. % See App. lvl.

294 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

The orders he gave on the observations to be set down as
soon as they discover new lands, in the judgment of Vice-Ad-
miral Jurien de la Graviere, give a new direction which has
always since been followed by maritime expeditions. Before
that time, with boldness of resolution, and un conquered free-
dom, advancing in face of the perils of the unknown, they
were under the dominion of fancy, which with the attraction
of poetical imagery clothed and embellished the contests and
fears of the cruel work of those heroes: henceforth it is the cal-
culating coldness of the mathematician which watches, ob-
serves, notes, connects together facts and accidents, examines
and compares them ; and from the past with imperturb-
able calm draws a rule and guide for the future. In this way
the "log-book" was first instituted on this memorable occa-
sion.*

"§ 7. Item, that the marchants," say the Instructions, "and
other skilful persons in writing, shal daily write, describe, and
put in memorie the navigation of every day and night, with
the points, and observations of the lands, tides, elements,
altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and starres, and the
same so noted by the order of the Master and pilot of every
ship to be put in writing, the captaine generall assembling
the masters together once every weeke (if winde and weather
shal serve) to conferre all the observations and notes of the
said ships, to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do
agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement,
deliberation and conclusion determined, to put the same into
a common leger, to remain of record for the company ;
the like order to be kept in proportioning of the Cardes,
Astrolabes, and other instruments prepared for the voyage, at
the charge of the companie."

"§ 27. Item the names of the people of every island, are to
be taken in writing, with the commodities and incommodi-
ties of the same, their natures, qualities and dispositions, the
site of the same, and what things they are most desirous of,

* "Ainsi futinstitue pour la premiere fois, dans cette occasion memorable,
to journal de Botd." Revue des Deux Mondes, I. c. p. 774.

SAILING OF WILLOUGHBY. 295

and what commodities they wil most willingly depart with,
and what mettals they have in hils, mountaines, streames, or
rivers, in or under the earth."

The conduct he points out to be observed towards the new
peoples they went on discovering shows the long study he
must have made on his voyages, of the character of the pop-
ulations when first beholding our men with their ships and ar-
mour. "For as much," he says § 23, "as our people, and
shippes may appear unto them strange and wonderous, and
theirs also to ours : it is to be considered, how they may be
used, learning much of their natures and dispositions, by
some one such person, as you may first either allure, or take
to be brought aboord your ships, and there to learn as you may,
without violence or force, and no woman to be tempted,
or intreated to incontinencie, or dishonestie."

" § 26. Item every nation and region to be considered
advisedly, and not to provoke them by any disdaine,
laughing, contempt, or such like, but to use them with
prudent circumspection, with al gentlenes and curtesie, and
not to tary long in one place, untill you shall have at-
tained the most worthy place yt may be found, in such
sort, as you may returne w t victuals sufficient prosperously. "
Some may perhaps regard as superfluous the care and
directions he gives for keeping alive in seamen the
sentiment of religion, and the practice of those exercises
which grow out of it and by reciprocal action maintain
and strengthen it. But I am of a different opinion, and
I do not appeal in support of my opinion to the different way
of feeling and thinking in the XVI century in contrast
with the unbelief or indifference of the XIX century.
No, I believe that at all times and in every place what-
ever may be the authority, it ought to desire and take pains
to keep alive this flame in the heart of the people ; for when
it is living and rightly directed, it is the soundest and safest
guide in all cases and in all the circumstances of human life.
Cabot, then, devoted his attention likewise to this and
reminded his mariners to act "for duetie and conscience sake
towards God, under whose mercifull hand navigants above all

296 THE LIFE OP SEBASTIAN CABOT.

other creatures naturally bee most nigh and vicine ;" * then in
his Instructions he prescribes, § 12 : "that no blaspheming of
God, or detestable swearing be used in any ship, nor
communication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or ungodly talke to be
suffred in the company of any ship, neither dicing, card-
ing, tabling, nor other divelish games to be frequented,
whereby ensueth not onely povertie to the players, but
also strife, wariance, brawling, fighting, and oftentimes
murther to the utter destruction of the parties and provoking
of God's most iust wrath, and sworde of vengeance. These
and all such like pestilences, and occasions of vices, and
sinnes to bee eschewed, and the offenders once monished, and
not reforming, to bee punished at the discretion of the
captaine and master, as appertaineth.

"§ 13. Item, that morning and evening prayer with other
common services appointed by the King's Majestie, and lawes
of this Realme to be read and saide in ever}^ ship daily by the
minister in the Admirall, and the marchant or some other per-
son learned in other ships, and the Bible or paraphrases to be
read devoutly and Christianly to God's honour, and for his
grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier
of the Navigants accordingly. "

On the 20th of May, 1553, the squadron of the expedition
at ebb of the tide set sail from Ratcliffe, and slowly moved
down the river, partly towed by the two boats which each ship
took with her on the voyage, f The court was then at Green-
wich, hardly a mile from Deptford where the vessels stopped
to wait and take advantage of the ebb-tide the next morning.;):
As soon as the squadron was spied from Greenwich, the
King's Privy Council, which was in session, adjourned and
the whole court was in motion ; not only the windows were
filled with courtiers, Knights, and Ladies, but the walks
of the towers likewise, whilst the more youthful raced to the

*P33.

t Ratcliffe is a place on the left bank of the Thames about two miles and
a half above Greenwich.

t Deptford is on the right bank of the Thames a mile and a half below Rat-
cliffe.

297

river bank to give a nearer salute to the brothers who were
leaving on the great voyage. As to the common people,
they all left their houses ; no one not absolutely prevented
would miss the spectacle and the salute. On the other hand,
as soon as the ships were in view of the Royal Residence, the
seamen all dressed for parade were in a twinkling on the deck
or climbing the masts, and while from one side the artillery
was discharged, mariners and merchants with all their might
gave a last salute to their King and country ; from the banks
of the river and the balconies and towers of the Royal Palace
there was a continual burst of hurrahs and clapping of hands
in encouragement and fervent auguries of good fortune on
their voyage.*

Alas ! a sad note disturbs the harmony of so many voices,
and augurs ill for the fate awaiting the expedition. Edward
VI, at whose name the ships made every hill and plain echo
their shouts, was not with the rejoicing people ; he lay in his
room, slowly wasting away, and died soon after. Fortunate
in dying in his bed, comforted by the last words of his friends
and relatives, whilst the most of those who saluted him soon
followed him into the dominions of Death by the most cruel
and fearful end imaginable, f

It is outside of our plan to follow the course of the expedi-
tion, but, as the work of Sebastian Cabot, it would leave
a void in our narrative if we omitted it altogether. We accord-
ingly give a few brief notices or rather mere mention of
its course and end.

The fleet on June 23 lost sight of England and entered the
wide sea driven on its northerly course by a fair wind ; but
then the wind changed, and changed again, and continued to
vary for many days, rendering the voyage very fatiguing by

* Hakluyt, vol. i,p. 272.— From Richard Chancellor's narrative.

f Chancellor's narrative drawn up in Latin by Clement Adams, who had it
from Chancellor's own mouth, puts the departure from Ratcliffe on May 20,
whereas Willoughby's journal says it was the 10th of the month. But the
variance is merely apparent, they both give substantially the same day, for
Willoughby follows the old Calendar approved in 325 by the Nicene Council;
Clement Adams regulates the date according to the Calendar as reformed un-
der Pope Gregory XIII.

298 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

reason of the continual changes of the ships which became
necessary in consequence. July 14 they discovered land to
the east. The place showed some thirty huts, but not a liv-
ing soul; perhaps the inhabitants had fled in fright on behold-
ing the ships. Continuing on, they discovered a number of
small islands, and on the 27th, they stopped at one of them and
remained three days there, but they were unable to learn how
far they were from the mainland. They were now at 68° of
latitude. Departing on the 20th, they took to coasting along
these islands till August 2, when they reached the shore to
ascertain what place they had come to : they were now at 70°.
A boat put out from the shore at sight of them and came to
the ships, from which they learned that the place was a small
island named Seynam, poor, with no other products than a lit-
tle dried fish and fish-oil. As they wanted to reach Finmark,*
they asked for a pilot to guide them thither. They were told
they could have one, but must wait for him till the next day.
Then, being assured that the island had a good harbor, they
started to enter it. But both sides of the entrance were very
high, and the vessels had hardly reached the opening when
so violent a wind suddenly sprang up that, to avoid be-
ing dashed on the rocks, they had to go about quickly and take
to the open sea. But the wind was so fierce that to make
their condition less desperate they had to take in all sails and
trust their fortune to the control of the waves. The follow-
ing night the fury of the wind increased, accompanied with
so dense a fog that the ships lost all sight of each other. At
midnight the Bona Speranza lost her boat, a serious loss in the
sort of navigation she had to make. Daylight dispelled the
fog, and when the ships looked for one another in the morn-
ing, the Bona Speranza and Confidentia were found safe, but
the Edward Bonaventure had disappeared. This separation
occurred in the neighborhood of Cape North.

The voyage after this was one continual struggle against
storms : the ships were driven furiously to one side or the

* Finmark, •*. e. Marshes or Borders of tbe Finns, the most'northerly prov-
ince of Norway : its most northern point is Cape North.

NEW EXPEDITIONS. 299

other, often obliged to go over the same course a second
time, in constant fear for the present and dread of the
future. What became of the Bona Spernaza is not known ;
all trace of her was lost. The Confidentia was able to
gain a harbor on the 18th of September, and as the season
was growing severer, and snows and frosts heralded the ap-
proach of Winter's horrors, they determined to stay there and
wait for the favorable season. They sent out bands of ex-
plorers in every direction to ascertain whether the land was in-
habited, but after much wandering around and penetrating as
far as four days' journey into the interior, they all returned say-
ing they had not been successful.

There in that harbor in the Spring of the following year
they were all found dead. We know not what they suffered,
and perhaps our imagination is impotent to conceive of all
the horrors they endured. The details of their course were
found recorded in the Journal of the voyage written in his own
hand by Sir Hugh Willoughby. It begins in this way :
" The voyage intended for the discoverie of Catay, and
divers other regions, dominions, Islands, and places un-
knowen, set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian
Cabota "*

The Journal ends with the 18th of September, the day
when they took refuge in the harbor : but it is likely that
the greater part of them were still alive in the following Jan-
uary, for under date of that month was found the Will of
Gabriel Willoughby, a relative of Sir Hugh, and subscribed
by Sir Hugh himself. f

Why did Sir Hugh write nothing more in his Journal after
the 18th of September ? We are unable to answer. All we
can conjecture with tolerable safety is that they all perished
from cold : this was inferred from the appearance of their
bodies.

This was the first notable step in the long journey that was
to be made before the undertaking set on foot by the genius of
Sebastian Cabot in 1553 was brought to a close in 1879, after

* Hakluyt, i, p. 258. t Hakluyt, i, 260 & s.

300 THE LIFE OF SEEASTIAN CABOT.

32G years of attempts and enormous labors ; before a ship leav-
ing our shores triumphed over the dangers and terrors of the
frozen seas and succeeded in reaching the seas of China.*
King Edward expired a few days after Sir Hugh sailed. f
He was succeeded on the throne by his sister Mary, daughter
of Henry VIII and Katharine of Aragon. In the second year
of Mary's reign, 1555, Richard Chancellor, commander of the
Edward Bonaventure, returned. After several days of vain
attempts to join his companions, he decided on continuing the
voyage alone, undaunted by the excessive misfortunes en-
dured; and so was the first European to reach Archangel in
the White Sea.J Leaving his ship there, he went by land to
Moscow to have an interview with the Tsar of Moscovy or Rus-
sia, and open direct relations of commerce between those coun-
tries and England, — a journey of fearful length considering the
times, the country, and the people through which Chancellor
had to pass. After an absence of two years, the intrepid ex-
plorer returned, and his arrival with favorable letters from
Ivan Basilivich, Emperor of all the Russias, excited indescrib-
able rejoicing not less in the commercial body than at courts
Then was comprehended the great advantages England might
gain through the company of merchant adventurers for her
trade with Russia and China; and to assure and strengthen the
company's continuance and activity ,the government by charter
of February 6, 1555, granted it the right of a corporation. The
Act of Incorporation, recognizing that it was wholly the re-
sult of Sebastian Cabot's zeal and ability, not only confirmed
his appointment by the company as governor, but conferred
on him that office for life. || The merchants on their part

* The expedition of the Vega, a Scottish ship, directed by Nordenskioeld.

t He died July 6, 1553.

% [Of course, the author means the first European to reach there by way of
the Atlantic and Arctic Oceans.— Translator.]

§ Hakluyt, i, p. 270 and s.

|| " And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath been the chief est
setter forth of this journey or voyage, therefore we make, ordeine and consti-
tute him, the said Sebastian, to be the first and present Governourof the same
fellowship and communaltie by these presents, to have and enjoy the said
office of Governour to him the said Sebastian Cabota, during his naturall life,

301

lost no time in fitting out another fleet of three ships, and sup-
plying them with every thing useful, sent them on their voy-
age in the following May.*

The pension granted Cabot by King Edward was renewed
November 27 of this year, f Why this renewal, if that
pension was, as we said, for life ? Biddle, observing that in
the order of renewal there was no mention made of the time
that had elapsed since Edward's death, suspects that the
pension had been withdrawn.} If that was the case, and I
believe it was, it was doubtless owing to the rejoicing excited
by Chancellor's return that the government felt forced to
renew this pension for the services of the aged Cabot.

Chancellor, soon after his return, sailed again for Archangel
bearing the reply of the English Monarch to the letter of
the Russian Emperor. The next year, 1556, Stephen
Burrough, master of Sir Hugh Willoughby's vessel on the
late voyage, sailed with a small vessel to make further
explorations of the passage sought for by the north-east seas. §
He left a narrative of his voyage, and at its commencement
there is a passage concerning Sebastian Cabot which shows
with what loving anxiety and joyful ardor the venerable old
man followed the first steps of the undertaking he had thought
out and set on its way. Burrough 's vessel wras at Gravesend,
and it was now the 27th of April, the eve of sailing. But it
is best to give the account in his own words :

"The 27 April being Munday, the right worshipful Sebastian
Cabota came aboord our Pinnesse at Gravesende, accompanied
with divers Gentlemen and Gentlewomen, who after that
they had viewed our Pinnesse, and tasted of such cheere as
we could make them aboord, they went on shore, giving

without amoving or dismissing from the same roome." Hakluyt i, p. 299.
V. App. lvii.

* John Michiel, Venetian ambassador in England, mentions it in two dis-
patches. May 21 and November 4, 1555 (Files of Dispatches marked "Ingliil
terra," in the State Records at Venice). Rawdon Brown published an English
translation of them in his Calendar, vol. vi, part i, pp. 76 and 238 ; and Luigi Pa-
sini the original Italian in his work "I Navigated al Polo Artico."

t Rymer, Fcedera, vol. xv, p. 427. See App. lviii.

t Biddle, Memoir, bk. i, ch. xxxv, p. 217. § Hakluyt, i, 306.

302 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

to our mariners right liberal rewards ; and the good olde
Gentleman Master Cabota gave to the poore most liberall
almes, wishing them to pray for the good fortune, and
prosperous successe of the serchtkrist our Pinnesse. And
then at thes signe of the Christopher, hee and his friends
banketted, and made me and them that were in the com-
pany great cheere ; and for very joy that he had to see
the towardness of our intended discovery, he intered in-
to the dance himselfe, amongst the rest of the young and
lusty company ; which being ended, hee and his friend
departed most gently, commending us to the Governance
of Almighty God."*

Cabot was now near his 84th year. But the sight of the ship
awoke in him all the spirits and enthusiasm of his youth,
and in the midst of the bold young men who were marching
to the longed-for battles of the winds and storms, he felt
himself young again, and joined them in the dance to
celebrate the opening of the new Campaign.

CHAPTER XXV.

Sebastian Cabot's Death.

After the sailing of Stephen Burrough, it again grows
dark around Cabot, and we approach the conclusion of
his life with the painful conviction of finding there ingratitude.
Biddle thought the cause of this ingratitude should be
looked for in the religious change which took place in England
when Queen Mary ascended the throne, and in the antipathy
which she, a fervent Catholic, must feel towards those
who had enjoyed the protection of her schismatical father
and Protestant brother. But when Cabot came back to FiJ-
land, the separation from the Catholic Church was com-
plete ; — neither before nor after had he ever taken any part

* Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 306.

PHILIP Il's ILL-WILL. 303

in religious or political questions ; his activity was exercised in
a technical field where Catholics and non-Catholics took
an equal interest, and the advancement of the English
marine was a glory to tempt equally any king, and promised
equal aid and benefit to his power.

On the contrary, the following considerations seem to
me most just. Every new authority that obtains the govern-
ment by a party contrary to that of the antecedent authority,
is naturally inclined to pursue a course different from that of
its predecessor, and to seek, from the necessity of its own pres-
ervation, support and alliances among the opponents of the
fallen authority. Thus in our present case we see that the
Steelyard which had received so powerful a blow from the
late government, succeeds under Mary's government in loosen-
ing to some extent the close network of restrictions in which
Cabot's circumspection had caused it to be enclosed. It wTould
be childish to ask whether they hated Cabot heartily, and
whether the small portion of life and freedom they had re-
gained would be employed in revenging themselves on him.
But there is also another fact to Cabot's damage, and a most
serious one too. Queen Mary in 1554 gave her hand to Philip
of Spain, son of Charles V. True, Philip's power in no wise
extended to the government of England, but he could not fail
to exercise a certain influence at court and on the Queen. The
year before Charles V had again requested Cabot's return.** Is
it likely that Philip had forgotten his desertion of Spain and
his constant refusal to go back ? And not having forgotten,
that he passed it over entirely as though it had not occurred ?
It seems hard to believe ; but granting that his generosity went
so far, the powerful always have about them some who
want to interpret their desires with an excess of zeal :
and the secret and avowed agents of Spain in England would
be too great an exception to the rule if, knowing the King's
feelings in regard to Cabot, they had not yielded to the
temptation of interpreting and anticipating his wishes.

The splendor which shone around Cabot's head on Rich-

* See his letter to Queen Mary of September 9, 1553. App. xlviii.

304 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

ard Chancellor's return dispelled the thick mist his enemies
had raised around him, and the government had first to
recognize his merits by appointing him governor for life
of the company of national merchants, and then to recognize
his claims by confirming the pension assigned him by
King Edward. But the interval between the dates of the two
ordinances, from February 16 to November 27, 1555, shows if
the government was ready to recognize his merits it was not
so willing to acknowledge his claims. And I think it would
not be hazarding a rash judgment to think that this
second ordinance cost Cabot and his friends many steps and
much labor.

But his enemies had too much the advantage of him
at his advanced age : and when the enthusiasm excited
in his favor by Chancellor's return had been suffered to
die out, they returned to the attack, and found means of
striking him a sure blow. All had been got from him that
could be ; nothing now remained but to wait the results
of the new enterprise he had promoted. And for this his work
was entirely useless. Other hands, other forces were neces-
sary to push it forward. The worn-out tool is flung aside ; it
is too rarely the case that the memory of service rend-
ered causes it to be preserved as a glorious reminder of
what it had been ; still more rarely where governments
are concerned. It requires strong friendships, long rooted, and
Cabot had always wanted the time to cultivate such : it needs
the testimony of services rendered, speaking out and present
in the benefits derived from them ; and for Cabot this
testimony could only speak in the future.

Moreover I cannot regard it as a mere coincidence that
Philip arrived in London May 20, 1557, and one week later,
on the 27th, Cabot resigned his pension.* We are not told
why, but may guess the reason from the new ordinance signed
two days after his resignation. That pension was not only of
use to him, but it was likewise an honor as a glorious
testimony to his merit It would be absurd to suppose that

* Rymer, vol. xv, p. 466.— See App. lix.

DIVISION OF CABOT'S PENSION 305

he renounced it freely of his own accord. If he was not ab-
solutely forced to give it up, it is fair to imagine such and
so great pressure to induce him to do so that the poor old man
was powerless to resist. The new ordinance of May 29, renews
in Cabot's favor the same assignment, but he shared with
William Worthington.* Probably Worthington was given
him as an assistant in the discharge of the duties en-
trusted to him, which would be perfectly proper and natural
at his very advanced age. But in dealing with a man like
Cabot, to withdraw for this assistance a part of his pension is
something more than shameful thrift in a government, not to
mention that after the pension had been assigned to him for
life, to cut it in halves was pure robbery.

At this point Biddle remarks that Hakluyt in his first
work published in 1582, after citing the patent granted by
Henry VII and the testimony of Ramusio, mentions Cabot's
charts and discourses drawn or written in his own hand, and
says they were then in William Worthington's possession. f
The ingenious American connects this remark with the fact
that Worthington was assigned as assistant to Cabot, and
given half of his pension; and noting how greatly it was for
Spain's interest to lay hands on these charts, and that after
this mention by Hakluyt, both charts and manuscripts were
lost to sight ; raises the suspicion that Worthington repaid
King Philip's bounty by lending himself to the base game of
causing the charts to disappear.^ And in another place
coming back to the same suspicion, he says : "The facts dis-
closed may, perhaps, assist to account for the disappearance. It
is obvious that such documents would be secured, at any price,
by the Spanish Court, at the period of Hakluyt's publication,
when English enterprise was scattering dismay amongst the

* "Eidem Sebastiano et dilecto servient! Willielmo Worthington."— Ibidem.

f The whole passage will be given when we come to treat of Cabot's charts.

fit may be sufficient here to say of William Worthington, that he is joined
with Sebastian Cabot in the pension given by Philip and Mary on the 29th
May, 1557. The probable fate of the Maps and Discourses will be considered
on reaching the painful part of Cabot's personal history which belongs to this
association."

Biddle, lib. i, cap. 4, p. 41.

20

306 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

Spanish possessions in America. The work of Hakluyt (six
yea* before the Armada) shewed where they were to be found.
The depositary of them was the very man who had been the
object of Philip's bounty during his brief influence in Eng-
land. Were they not bought up ? There can be now only a
conjecture on the subject, yet it seems to gather strength the
more it is reflected on."*

It cannot be denied that Biddle's inductive reasoning has
a certain force ; but I could not be induced by a mere induc-
tion to throw the blame of such infamous action on one who
held most honorable offices in his own country. It may well
be that Cabot's charts were taken to Spain, for Spain had an
interest in their possession ; but there were a thousand ways
in which a crafty policy could get hold of them without
Worthington personally lending himself to the shameful
measure.

And here, since the course of our narrative has brought us
where we must speak again of Cabot's charts, it will not be
out of place to sum up such information as has reached us
concerning them, the more so as one of the many mistakes in
relation to Cabot is that he left no account of his voyages, f
Of his charts, besides the copy still preserved in the National
Library at Paris, there are records of a copy which Nathan
Kochaf saw at Oxford in 1566 ; that engraved by Clement
Adams and seen by Hakluyt in the Royal Palace at West-
minster ; X another which Ortelius had before him when he
composed his Atlas ; § one owned by the Earl of Bedford and
mentioned by Willes ; || the one on which, according to Eden,
Cabot had made a design of his exploration of the Plata ;T

*Biddle, cap. xxxv, p. 221.

f "Great surprise," says Biddle, "has been expressed that Cabot should
have left no account of his voyages, and this circumstance has ever been urged
against him as a matter of reproach." Memoir i, oh. iv. nnd he cites these
words of Hugh Murray in his Historical Account of North America, vnl.i, p. 66.
" Sebastian with all his knowledge and in the course of a long life, never
committed to writing any narrative of the voyage to North America."

% See ch. iii. § See ch. xii. 1 Ibidem.

If " From the mouth of the river Cabot sailed up the same into the lande for

CABOT'S CHARTS. 307

and three which Cabot himself mentions in his letter to John
de Samana, secretary to Charles V.* Finally, there is one
which Livy Sanudo had under his eyes, " a chart for sailing, "
he says, " carefully made by hand, and every point described
by Cabot himself. "f These charts, as we have seen, were also
historical proofs of Cabot's voyages, owing to the descriptive
legends they bore concerning his discoveries and voyages.
Having spoken of them already as occasion required in the
course of our narrative, further explanations are unnecessary
here. Nor is it my design to make a special inquiry concern-
ing the merit the chart of Cabot which is still left us, may
have in Cartography. Any one desiring this may consult with
profit the special works which treat of Cartography in the
XV Century. J

The last traces of charts drawn by Cabot's hand disappeared
September 20, 1575. On that day, John Baptist Gesio di-
rected a memorial to the King of Spain, Philip II, to recover
an ancient colored chart on parchment, made by Sebastian
Cabot, which he said was the property of the state, but being
found among the books of John de Ovando, deceased, form-
erly President of the Council of the Indies, was now put up
for sale at auction with Ovando's other books. §

But of all the rich works which I believe were due to
his celebrated ability in cartography || there remains

the space of three hundreth and fiftie leagues, as he wryteth in his own Guide."

Eden, Decades, fol. 316.

* See A pp. xlii.

+ Geosraphia distincta in xii libri, Venezia, 1588, p. 2.

X Harrisse discusses it at preat length in the work we have so often cited.
Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 151. D'Avezac also treats it at some length in the
Revue Critique d'Histoireet de Litterature. Premier Semestre, 1870, p. 268 and
seq.

§ Harrisse, p. 151.— "Tuvolo en gn nnderhasta su muerteel visitador y presi-
dente del eonsejo de Indias Juan de Ovando. Asi consta por memorial delcos-
moorrafo Juan Bautista Gesio al Rev froha de Madrid y 20 de Setiemhre de
1575, en donde dice, que en la «lmoneda de los libros de Ovando estaba uu
mapa antiguo de penramino iluminado hecho r>nr Sebastian Gahoto, y pide se
recobre, porque le aseguran pertenece a S. M." {BiblioUca del Escorial). M.
Ymenes de la Espada, Relatione.? geogrdphicas de Indias, Madrid, 1881, p xxx,
nota.

D Scosi valente et pratico delb' cose pertinent! alia navigatione et alia

308 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

to us only the copy preserved in the National Library at Paris.
This is a large, colored map of the world, projected on
a single ellipse 1.48 in width and 1.11 in height.* It was found
in Germany and bought for the National Library in Paris in
1844. It bears no date nor place of printing, but a Spanish
inscription says it was extended in 1544 by Sebastian Cabot,
Captain and Pilot-Major of Charles V.f

That besides the traces and notes of his voyages left on his
charts, he had also written a descriptive account of them,
we have certain knowledge from these words of Hakluyt's :
"This much concerning Sebastian Cabot's discoverie may suf-
fice for a present taste, but shortly God willing, shall out
in print All his own mappes and Discourses drawne and written
by himselfe, which are in the custodie of the worshipful Mas-
ter William Worthington, one of her Majesty's Pensioners,
who (bicause so worthie monuments should not be buried in
perpetual oblivion) is very willing to suffer them to be over-
seene and publisched in as good order as may be to the encour-
agement and benefite of our countrymen. "J

After the halving of his pension, we lose sight entirely
of Sebastian Cabot, except a slight glance at him on his death-
bed, assisted in his last moments by the true and kind Richard
Eden. In the letter of dedication which Eden prefixed to
his translation of a book by John Taisnerus, § he relates

cosmngrafia, ch' in Spagna al presente noa v'e un suo pari. . . .il quale sapeva
far carte marine di sua mano et intendeva F arte del navigare piu ch' alcun
altro."

Ramusio, vol. vii, p. 414.

— ". . . . Sebastian Caboto .... era gran Cosmografo . . . ."

Herrera, Dec. iii, lib. x, cap. i.

* [About 4 ft. 10 in. by 3 ft. 8 in.— Tr.]

f " Sebastian Caboto capitan y piloto mayor de la Sacra Cesarea Catolica
MajestaddellmperadorDon Carlos quinto deste nombrey Rey Nuestro Senor,
hizo esta figura extensa en piano, anno del nascimiento de Nuestro Salvador
Jesu Christo de MDXLIIII annos."

X Hakluyt, in the Dedication to Sir Philip Sydney of his work. First edition,
1592.

§ The title of the book is : — " A very necessarie and profitable book
concerning Navigation compiled in Latin by Joannes Taisnerus, etc. Trans-
lated into English, by Richard Eden. Imprinted at London by Richard Jugge."

cabot's disposition. 309

that Cabot on his death-bed "with a thin voice spoke of
a divine revelation made to him of a new and infallible
method of finding longitude, but he could not disclose
it to any mortal." It is plain that Cabot's mind was wander-
ing • but the direction it took in his delirium, proves that his
thoughts were constantly and intently searching to solve
a problem which even to-day vexes the mind of scientists. As
to the idea itself which his mind cherished in his dream, we
have mentioned it in its place further back in this present
chapter.

Sebastian Cabot, so far as we can judge from the portrait
which is left of him, must have been tall, majestic, lean, with
strongly-marked features, and animated expression. The
rich dress in which Cabot is painted and the great chain
around his neck and hanging down to his breast, are probably
the emblems of his office as Governor of the Company of Mer-
chant Adventurers. The Portrait was thought to be Holbein's,
but this opinion has since been controverted. I know not,
and it is not of any great interest for my work, which of the
two sides is more likely right. In Purchas's time it was kept
in the King's Privy Gallery at Whitehall, but afterwards
passed into private hands, perhaps at the time of the scatter-
ing of objects of art in the royal palaces which took place
after the death of Charles L* About the commencement
of this century it came into the possession of the Harford
Family of Bristol, from whom it was purchased in 1842
by Richard Biddle, author of the Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot,
who hung it in his house at Pittsburgh, Pa., where he
resided, and where it was destroyed by a fire in 1845.f

Of the disposition and habits of Sebastian Cabot we can col-
lect no reminiscences, nor any special fact : but Ramusio's
Anonymous relates with expansive praise his courtesy in
receiving him, and answering his questions and comply-
ing with his wishes :J and his modesty and fairness are
shown in the enthusiastic words in which, so famous by his

* — Purchas, iv, p. 1812.— Biddle, Memoir etc. p. 323.

f D' Avezac, Berne Critique, p. 268. % See App. xix.

310 THE LIFE OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.

own navigations and discoveries, he speaks of Christopher Co-
lumbus, and acknowledges that he obtained from him the first
spark which kindled his ardor for discovery.* But our
best proof of what he was, not only of his great prudence of
mind, but also of his goodness of heart, is in the instructions
given to Sir Hugh Willoughby ; of which it is needless for us
to speak further after what we have not long since said
of them. That he was a profoundly religious man is proved
not only by the minute instructions he gives Willoughby
that the men of his expedition should be regular and
punctual in fulfilling their duties towards God, but even
more by the delirium of his last illness, when he recognized
as a divine revelation his discovery of the declination of the
magnetic needle. The mind at that time freed from all
motive of policy or convenience, left wholly to itself, uncon-
scious of its thoughts, invariably goes over and repeats again
the thought which during life it had often entertained with
a firm conviction.

We know nothing of when or where he died, nor even the
spot where he was buried. England, wholly occupied in
coursing the seas over which he had directed her, had no
time to remember or mark the sepulchre of the man to whose
powerful initiative she owes the wealth and power which have
placed her among the foremost nations of the world. What
is still worse, her historical literature, so rich in quantity and
quality, has not a book in which his life and work are inves-
tigated and studied profoundly and at as great length as
possible, although her writers have at times proclaimed
his greatness and protested the gratitude due to him from the
English nation. He was but a few years dead when a poet
celebrating the navigations of Sir Humphrey Gilbert to North
America, sang of that region :

" Hanc tilii jamdudum primi invenere Britanni
Turn cum magnanimus nostra in regione Cabotus
Proximus a magno ostendit sua vela Colnmbo."f

* Ibidem.

f Stephen Parmenius, called Budaeus, from the cit\r of Btida in Hungary,
where he was born.— Hakluyt, iii, 176.

England's neglect of cabot. 311

In the first half of the last century Campbell wrote : —
" If this worthy man had performed nothing more, his name
ought surely to have been transmitted to future times with
honour, since it clearly appears, that Newfoundland* had been
a source of riches and naval power to this nation, from
the time it was discovered, as well as the first of our planta-
tions ; so that with strict justice, it may be said of Sebastian
Cabot, that he was the Author of our Maritime Strength
and opened the way to those improvements which have
rendered us so great, so eminent, so flourishing a people"*- And
Barrow wTrote in the beginning of the present century : " Se-
bastian Cabot .... By his knowledge and experience, his zeal
and penetration, he not only was the means of extending the
Foreign Commerce of England, but of keeping alive that
spirit of enterprise, which even in his life-time, was crowned
with success, and which ultimately led to the most happy re-
sults for the nation." %

After these declarations repeated in sense, if not in words, by
all the English writers who have had occasion to mention
him, it must seem almost incredible that so wealthy a nation
never thought of setting up a memorial which would serve to
commemorate, not the name of Cabot, for that needs it
not, but her own recognition of, and gratitude for, his
work. " He, " says Biddle, " gave a Continent to England :
yet no one can point to the few feet of earth she has allowed
him in return. " 8

* Newfoundland, i. e, the whole of the new land discovered by the English
in the northern part of America. — See ch. iv.

f John Campbell' 8 Lives of the Admirals, art. Sebastian Cabot.

% John Barrow's Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions, Lon-
don, 1818.

§ Memoir, p. 223.

APPENDIX.

Different ways in which the name Caboto is found written.

I believe it would be hard to find another surname so al'
tered and distorted in writing as that of Cabot. I give a
sample here to satisfy the reader's curiosity.

A. Gaboto — " Diose a Gaboto titulo de Capitan General."
Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. viii, cap. 12.

B. Gavoto — " Notifiqueys un mandamiento da parte de
senor Sebastian Gavoto." Diego Garcia, in his order to Cap-
tain Francis de Rqjas.

C. Cabota — "Si aveva inesso in fantasia Sebastiano Cabota
. . . poter essere che qualche passo fosse nel mar settentrio-
nale." In the Raccolta of G. B. Ramusio, 2nd Ed. 1866. vol.
ii, p 212.

D. Cabot — "Sebastien Cabot nomma pour commander. . . .
dans le fort du S. Esprit Nufio de Lara." Charlevoix, Hist.
du Paraguay, liv. i.

E. Gabot — "II assembla quatre mille hommes dans

un marais, qui etait fort pres de la Tour de Gabot. Id. 16.

F. Gabato — "This yeare one Sebastian Gabato .... caused
the King to man ... a shippe." Robert Fabian according
to Stow's reading. 1631. p. 480.

G. Cabotto — "Di Giovanni e Sebastiano Cabotto." This is
the title of a chapter in Placido Zurla's work Sui Viaggiatori
Veneziani.

314 APPENDIX NO. 1.

H. Gavotta — "Henry VII .... extended his protection to
the Venetian John Gavotta or Cabot." Dr. Lardner's Cab-
inet Cyclopasdia, vol. ii, p. 136.

I. Kabot — "John Cabot or Gabot or Kabot would be at-
tended ..." M. Clifton in a note cited by Biddle. Memoir,

p. 84.

K. Shabot — "Mr. Feckham had warrant for 100 L. for the
transporting of one Shabot a Pilot of Hispain," extract from
the minutes of the Privy Council of Edward VI, King of Eng-
land.

L. Babate — "Elle (New France) fut decouverte premiere-
ment par Sebastien Babate Anglois." A. Thevet, Singula-
ritez de la France Antarctique. Paris, 1558, fo. 148.

M. Cabotte — "The twentieth of May, by the encouragement
of one Sebastian Cabotte three great ships ...were sette forthe."
Stow, Chronicles, London, 1580, p. 1057.

N. Caboto, "The great . . . encourager of which voiage was
Sebastian Caboto," Holinshed, The Chronicle of Englande, Scot-
lande and Irelande, 1557. ii. p. 714.

O. Cabote — "desirerions communiquer aucunes affaires. . . .
avec le Capitaine Cabote" . . . Letter of Charles V to Mary
Tudor, Queen of England. Foreign Calendars, 1553 — 58, i. p.
10.

P. Gabote— "One Sebastian Gabote generall pplot] of the em-
perours Indias is presently in England." Dispatch of the Eng-
lish Ministers, 25 Nov. 1549 ( Colton M. Galba, B. xii. fo.
124).

q. Cabott— "paide . . . in . . . recompense of . . . labour con-
ductying of Sebastian Cabott. 43 L. 4 S." Note of expenses
reported in I. S. Brewer's Calendar Domestic and Foreign, iv.
part i, p. 154.

Sebastian Cabot in his letter to John of Samano secretary
to Charles V, signs himself Caboto with one t : this is the
form most frequently met with in the letters that passed be-
tween the Council of Ten and their ambassadors in Spain and
England in reference to the same Sebastian ; and it is almost
the only one found in the acts of the suit prosecuted against
him in Spain. I have therefore preferred it, and the more so

APPENDIX NO. 2. 315

because the other, Cabotto with double t, is easily explained as
a slip of the tongue or pen [The usual English form Cabot is
substituted for the author's Caboto in this translation — Tr.].

II.

Privilegium Civilitatis de intus et extra per habitationem Annorum
XV, Aluisii Fontanel , olim depergamo.

Nicolaus Tronus Dux Venetiarum etc. Universis et sin-
gulis tain amicis quam fidelibus, et tarn praesentibus quam
futuris, presens privilegium inspecturis, salutem et sincere
dilectionis affectum.

Notum vobis fieri volumus per praesentem paginam, quod
cum inter cetera, que in mente nostra revolvimus, attenda-
mus precipue nostrorum subditorum et fidelium devotorum
tractare propensius comoda et utilia salubriter procurare.
Cum hoc excellence nostre decus aspiciat et fidelium devotio
utilius pertractata in nostrae fidelitatis et devotionis constan-
tia ferventius solidetur, Duximus volentes beneficia recom-
pensare pro meritis statuendum.

Quod quicumque annis XV vel inde supra Venetiis con-
tinue habitasset, factiones et onera nostri dominii ipso tempore
subeundo a modo civis et venetus noster esset : et citadinatu?
Venetiarum privilegio et alijs beneficiis, libertatibus et im-
munitatibus, quibus alii Veneti et cives nostri utuntur et
gaudent, perpetuo et ubilibet congaudetur. Unde cum provi-
dus vir, Aluisius Fontana, olim de Pergamo, nunc habitator
Venetiarum in contrata Sancti Iuliani, sicut legitimis et
manifestis probationibus per provisores nostri Comunis dili-
genter examinatis, nobis innotuit annis XV Venetiis contin-
uam habitationem habuerit, erga nos et ducatum nostrum,
fideliter et laudabiliter sub devotionis integritate se gerens ; et
subiens continue factiones et onera nostri dominii, digna
remuneratione prosequentes, eundem ipsum Aluisium Fon-
tana consiliorum et ordinamentorum nostrorum, necessaria

316 APPENDIX NO. 2.

solemnitate servata, in venetum et civem nostrum de intus et
extra, recepimus atque recipimus, et venetum et civem nos-
trum, de intus et extra, fecimus et facimus, et pro Veneto et
cive nostro in Venetiis et extra, habere et tractare, ac haberi
volumus, et ubique tractari. Ita quod singulis libertatibus,
beneficiis et immunitatibus, quibus alii veneti et cives nostri
de intus et extra utuntur et gaudent, idem Aluisius in
Venetiis et extra, libere gaudeat de cetero et utatur. Intelli-
gendo, quod per mare, et in fontico theotonicorum, seu cum
theotonicis, mercari ; seu mercari facere non possit nisi de
tanto quanto fecerit imprestita nostro dominio in anno. In
cujusrei fidem et evidentiam pleniorem, presens privilegium
fieri jussimus et bulla nostra plumbea pendente muniri.

Datum in nostro ducali Palatio, Anno Domini incarna-
tionis millesimo quadringentesimo septuagesimo secundo,
mensis August! die undecimo indictione Quinta.

Simile privilegium factum fuit provido viro Iohanni
Iacobi qui fuit de pensauro nunc habitatori Venetiarum, tem-
pore serenissimi principis domini Nicolai Marcelli Incliti ducis
Venetiarum etc. sub bulla plumbea MCCCCLXXIII mensis
Octubris die XXIII Indictione VII.

Simile privilegium factum fuit provido viro Martino Figini
qui fuit de Mediolano habitatori Venetiarum tempore serenis-
simi Principis domini Nicolai Marcello MCCCCLXXIII die
quarto Iulii Indictione VII.

Simile privilegium factum fuit provido viro Autonio Guli-
elmi Calderaio de Columbis qui fuit de Balabio districtus
Mediolani habitatori Venetiarum tempore serenissimi Prin-
cipis domini Petri Mocenigo sub bulla plumbea MCCCCLXXV
mensis maii die quinto Indictione Octava.

Simile privilegium factum fuit provido viro Ioanni Bartho-
lomei de Brixia habitatori Venetiarum tempore serenissimi
Principis Domini Nicolai MarcelloMCCCCLXXIIII die XVII
Maii Indictione VII.

Simile privilegium factum fuit probo et prudent! viro
Ioanni Pietro de Turco qui fuit de Navaria habitatori Vene-
tiarum tempore serenissimi Principis Domini Ioannis Mo-
cenigo die XXII d0 Augusti 1480.

APPENDIX NO. 2 317

Simile privilegium factum fuit Bartholomeo Antonii
Casarolo die XVIII Augusti 1481.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Bernardo Bartholomei de
Pergamo die 28 Septembris 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Zacharie de panti de lodi die
28 Septembris 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuitBenedicto Lancelloti fontana
die 28 Septembris 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Ioanni Sebastiano et Stefano
fratribus die 28 Septembris 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Raphaeli quondam Antoni
de ardiconibus die 12 februari 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuit M. Stefano Nicolai Aurifici
bulla aurea die 26 februarii 1484.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Ioanni Caboto sub duce
suprascripto 1476.*

Simile privilegium factum fuit Dominico Ioanni de la
Cisio sub die XVIII januari 1498.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Iacobo Deblandratis sub die
XXVII julii 1500.

Simile privilegium factum fuit Io : Iacobo grimasco papi-
ensi die 17 Augusti 1501. State Archives, Venezia, Libro
Privilegi, t. ii, p. 53.

*[Observing that some of these records are not in their chronological order,
I wrote the Author to ascertain if there was not some mistake. Signor Tar-
ducci wrote to the superintendent of the Frari Archives at Venice, Sig. F. Ste-
fani, requesting him to compare the copy with the original.

He received the following reply, dated January 26, 1893.

"The chronological confusion is precisely, as you have remarked, due to the
bad practice, if we choose to call it so, of the clerks of the ducal chancery, of
leaving blank spaces for registrations which afterwards were not entered, per-
haps from oversight, and which they subsequently made use of to insert much
later acts.

" Such chronological confusion is also found in other registers of our arch-
ives, but it does not detract from the authenticity of the acts therein inserted.

"F. Stefani."

Translator.]

318 APPENDIX NO. '&

III.

Inscription on Sebastian Cabot's Planisphere (1544) fin the first
discovery in 1494.

1. According to the copy preserved in the National Li-
brary at Paris.

A. Spanish. — N. 8. Esa tierra fue descubierta por loan Ca-
boto Veneciano, y Sebastian Caboto su hijo, anno del nasci-
iniento denuestro Salvador Jesu || Christode M. CCCC. XCIIII,
a veinte y quatro de Iunio, por la mannana, ala qual pusieron
nobre prima tierra vista, y a una isla grade que|
esta par de la dha tierra,* le pusieron nombre sant loan, por
aver sido descubierta el misrno dia la gente della andan
vestidos depieles de animales, usan en sus guerras arcos,
y fleehas, lancas, y dardos, y unas porras de palo, y
hondas. Es tierra muy steril, ay en ella muchos orsos plancos,
y ciervos muy grades como cavallos y otras muchas ani-
males y semeiantemente ay pescado infinito, sollos, salmoes,
lenguados, muy grandes de vara enlargo y otros muchas
diversidades de pescados, y la mayor multitud dellos se dizen
baccalaos, y asi mismo ay enla dha tierra Halcones prietos
cuomo cuervos Aquillas, Perdices, Pardillas, y otras muchas
aves de diversas maneras. ||

B. Latin. — Terrain hanc olim nobis clausam, aperuit Ioan-
nes Cabotus Venetus, necno Sebastianus Cabotus eius lilius
anno ab orbe redem =|| pto 1494 die vero 24 Julij (sic),
bora 5 sub diluculo, qua terra prima visam appellarunt, et
insula quandi magna ei opposita, Insula divi Io | annis
nominarunt, quippe quae solemni die festo divi Ioannis aperta
fuit. Huius terrae incolae pellibus axuinalium mduuntur, arcu

* He seems to mean that the island was found on a line parallel to the main
land : the Latin translation says, instead, that it was opposite. But the posi-
tion of the island on the map agrees better with the original Spanish expres-
sion.

A^PKNDIX NO. a 319

in bello, sa — | gittis, hcastis spiculis clavis ligneis, et fundis
utuntur, sterilis incultaq tellus fait, leonibus, ursis albis, proce-
risque cervis, piscibus innume — ris lupis scilicet, salmonibus,
et ingentibus soleis, unius uhiao longitudine, alfisque diversis
piscium generibus abundat, horum autem maxima copia |j est,
quos vulgus Bacallios appellat, ad haec insunt accipHres nigri
corvorum similes, aquilae, perdicesque fusco colore aliaeque di-
versae volucres.

The Latin version given by Chytreus is identical with that
of the copy at Paris, except that the latter has Julii by mis-
take, where Chytreus has correctly Junii.

II. According to the transcription of Hakluyt from the
copy in the King's privy Gallery at Westminster, cut by
Clement Adams.

Anno Domini 1494 (so in the first edition ; the others
have 1497) Joannes Cabotus Venetus, et illius rilius earn ter-
rain fecerunt perviam, quam nullus prius adire ausus fuerit,
die 24 Junii, circiter horam quintain bene mane.

Hanc autem appellavit Terram primum visam, credo quod
ex mari in earn partem primum oculos injecerat.

Namque ex adverso sita est insula, earn appellavit insulam
Divi Joannis, hac opinor ratione, quod aperta fuit eo die qui
est sacer Divo Joanni Baptistae : * Cuius incolae pelles ani-
malium exuviasque ferarum pro indumentis habent, easque
tanti faciunt, quanti nos vestes pretiosissi mas, Cum bellum
gerunt, utuntur arcu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clavis ligneis et
fundis. Tellus sterilis est, neque ullos fructus afFert, ex quo fit,
ut ursis albo colore, et cervis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis
referta sit ; piscibus abundat iisque sane magnis, quales sunt
lupi marini et quos salmones vulgus appellat ; soleae autem
reperiuntur tarn longae ut ulnae mensuram excedant. Impri-
mis antem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari ser-
monevocant Bacallaos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipkres ita
nigri, ut corvorum similitudinem mirum in modum expri-
mant, perdices antem et aquilae sunt nigri coloris. Hak-
luyt, vol. iii, p. 27.

* For what follows see what was said lu chapter iv, p. 59.

320 APPENDIX NO. 5.

IV.

Petition of John Cabot to Henry VII King of England for privilege
of Navigation for himself and his three sons.

Public Record Office ( London ), Chancery Bill signed, sub
anno 11 Henr. VII. No. 51.

Memorandum quod quinto die Marcii anno regni regis
Henrici Septimi undecimo ista billa deliberata fuit do-
mino Cancellario Anglieapud Westmonasteriumexequenda.

To the Kyng our sovereigne lord.

Please it your highness of your moste noble and habound-
ant grace to graunt unto John Cabotto citizen of Vencs,
Lewes, Sebastyan and Sancto his sonneys your gracious lettres
patentes under your grete seale in due forme to be made
according to the tenour hereafter ensuyng. And they shall
daring their lyves pray to God for the prosperous continu-
ance of your moste noble and royale astate long to enduer.

Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem, Notum sit et manifestum
&c. as in the following.

Letters Pcdent of King Henry VII to John Cabot and his
three sons granting the privilege prayed for, March 5, 1496.

( Public Record Office, London. French. Roll, sub anno llmo
Henr. VII. membran. 23. ) Henricus dei gratia rex Ang-
lie et Francie et dominus Hibernie omnibus ad quos presentes
litere nostre pervenerint, salutem.

Notum sit et manifestum quod dedimus et concessimus, ac
per presentes damus et concedimus pro nobis et heredibus
nostris dilectis nobis Iohanni Caboto civi Veneciarum, ac Lo-
dovicOj Sebastiano et Santio filiis dicti Iohannis, et eorum ac

APPENDIX NO. 5. 321

cujuslibet eorum heredibus et deputatis plenam ac liberam
auctori tatem, falcultatem et potestatem navigandi ad omnes
partes, regiones et sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis et sep-
temtrionalis, sub banneris, vexillis et insigniis nostris, cum
quinque navibus sive navigiis cujuscumque portiturae et
qualitatis existant, et cum tot et tantis nautis et hominibus
quot et quantos in dictis navibus secum ducere voluerint,
suis et eorum propriis sumptibuset expensis ad inveniendum,
discoperiendum et investigandum quascumque insulas, pat-
rias, regiones sive provincias gentilium et infidelium ( quo-
rumcumque), in quacumque parte mundi positas que Chris-
tianis omnibus ante hec tempora fuerint incognite.

Concessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet, eorumque et
cujuslibet eorum heredibus et deputatis, ac licentiam
dedimus ad affigendum predictas banneras nostras et
insignia in quacumque villa, oppido, castra, insula seu terra
firma a se noviter inventis. Et quod prenominati Johannes
et filii ejusdem, seu heredes et eorumdem deputati quascum-
que hujusmodi villas, castra, oppida et insulas a se inventas,
que subjugari, occupari et possideri possint, subjugare, oc-
cupare et possidere valeant, tamquam vassalli nostri et
gubernatores, locatenentes et deputati eorundem, domi-
nium, titulum et jurisdictionem eorundem villarum, cas-
trorum, oppidorum, insularum ac terre firme sic in-
ventorum, nobis acquirendo. Ita tamen ut ex omnibus fruc-
tibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris et obventio-
nibus, ex hujusmodi navigatione provenientibus, prefatus
Joannes et filii, ac heredes, et eorum deputati teneantur
et sint obligati nobis, pro omni viagio suo, totiens quo-
tiens ad portum nostrum Bristollie applicuerint, ad quern
omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti, deductis omnibus
sumptibus et impensis necessariis per eosdem factis, quintam
partem capitalis lucri facti, sive in mercibus, sive in pecuniis
persolvere.

Dantes nos et concedentes eisdem suisque heredibus et de-
putatis, ut ab omni solutione custumarum omnium et singu-
lorum bonorum ac mercium quas secum reportarint ab illis
locis sic noviter inventis, liberi sint et immunes. Et insuper

21

322 APPENDIX NO. 6.

dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis heredibus et deputatis,
quod terre omnes firme, insule, ville, oppida, castra, et
loca quaecumque a se inventa, %quotquot ab eis inveniri con-
tinent, non possint abaliis quibusvis nostris subditis frequen-
tari sen visitari absque licentia predictorum Ioannis et ejus
filiorum, suorumque deputatorum, sub pena amissionis
tarn navium quam bonorum ominum quorumcumque ad
ea loca sic inventa navigare presumentium.

Volentes et strictissime mandantes omnibus et singulis
nostris subditis, tam in terra quam in mare const it utis,
ut prefato Ioanni et eius filiis ac deputatis, bonam as-
sistentiam faciant, et tam in armandis navibus seu navi-
giis, quam in provisione com meatus et victualium pro
sua pecunia emendorum, atque aliarum rerum sibi providen-
darum, pro dicta navigatione sumenda suos omnes fa-
vores et auxilia impartiant. In cuius rei testimonium has lit-
teras nostras fieri fecimus patentes : teste me ipso apud
westmonasterium qujnto die Martii, &c.

VI.

The following despatch is in reply to one from Dr. Puebla
to their Catholic Highnesses. Puebla's dispatch cannot be
found, but its contents are clearly shown by what is said
by the Spanish sovereigns in their reply.

Copia de parrafro de minuta de carta de los Reyes catolicos al
Doctor Puebla fecha en Tortosa a 28 de marzo de 1496.

Public Records of Simancas. Capitulaciones con Inglaterra :
Legajo ( a mass of loose papers ) 2°, f °, 16.

Quanto a lo que desis que alia es yda uno como colon para
poner al Rey de ynglaterra en otro negocio como el de las yn-
dias syn perjuysio de espana ni de portogal sy asy le acude a

APPENDIX NO. 7. 323

el como a nosotros lo de las yndias bien librado estara crehemos
que esto sera echadiso del Rey de francia por poner en esto la
Rey de ynglaterra para le apartar de otros negocios, mirad que
procureis que en esto ny en lc semejante no Resciba engaiio
el Rey de ynglaterra que por quantas partes pudieren traba-
jaran los franceses de gelo hazer, y estas cosas semej antes son
cosas muy yn ciertas y tales que para agora no conviene enten-
der en ellas y tan bien mirad que aquellas .. .* no se puede en-
tender en esto syn perjuisio nuestro o del Rey de portogal.

Harrisse, in communicating to Desimonithis dispatch, which
with the exception of one sentence, was unpublished, adds :
4kJe n' ai plus la premiere phrase : J'ai regu votre lettre du 21
Janvier" Desimoni, Intorno a Giovanni Caboto, Genova, 1881.

VII.

Extract from an anonymous chronicle, part of Robert Cotton's collec-
tion in the British Museum, on the voyage of John Cabot in 1497.

In anno 13 Henr. VII. This yere the Kyng at the besy
request and supplication of a Straunger venisian, wich by a
Coeart made hym self expert in knowying of the world caused
the Kyng to manne a ship wT vytaill and other necessair-
ies for to seche an iland wheryn the said Straunger surmysed
to be grete commodities : w* which ship by the Kynges
grace so Rygged went 3 or 4 moo owte of Bristowe, the said
Straunger beyng Conditor of the saide Flete, wheryn diuers
merchauntes as well of London as Bristow aventured goodes
and sleight merchaundises, which departed from the West
Cuntrey in the begynnyng of Somer, but to this present
moneth came nevir Knowlege of their exployt.

(Ms. Cott. Vitellius, A. xiv. f. 173, British Museum.

* M. d' Avezac fills this spnCP with the word partes.

324 APPENDIX NO. 9.

VIII.

Extract from the Chronicle attributed to Robert Fabyan, ac-
cording to Richard Hakluyt's reading.

A note of Sebastian's Gabotes voyages of Discoverie,
taken out of an old chronicle, written by Kobert Fabyan,
some time Alderman of London, which is in the custody
of John Stowe, citizen, a diligent searcher and preserver of
antiquities.

This yere the King (by meanes of a Venetian, which
made himselfe very expert and cunning in
Knowledge of the circuit of the worlde, and

In cue 13 yere
of King Heurie

the vii, 1498. ilands of the same as by a carde, and other
demonstrations reasonable hee shewed) caused to man and
victuall a shippe at Bristow to search for an ilande, which hee
saide hee Knewe wel was riche, and replenished with riche
commodities. Which ship thus manned and victualled at
the Kinges cost, divers marchants of London ventured in her
small stockes, being in her,as chiefe Patron e, the said Venetian.
And in the company of the said shippe sayled also out of

; : Bristowe, three or foure small ships, fraught with

— ' sleight and grosse merchandizes as course cloth,

Caps, laces, points and other trifles, and so departed from
Bristowe in the beginning of May : of whom
in this Maior's time returned no tidings.

William Purchas
Maior of London

(Hakluyt, Divers voyages touching the discourse of America.
London, 1582, in 4to.)

IX.

The same extract according to John Stowe's reading.

In anno 14 Henr. VII* This yeare one Sebastian Gabato
a genoas sonne borne in Bristow professing himselfe to

* The number 14 is an error ; it should be 13, as Hakluyt puts it, and
also Anonymous in the Cottonian collection.

APPENDIX NO. 10. 325

be experte in knowledge of the circuit of the worlde and
Ilandes of the same, as by his Charts and other reason-
able demonstrations he shewed, caused the King to man and
victual a shippe at Bristow to search for an Ilande wiche
he Knewe to be replenished with rich commodities : in the
ship diverse merchauntes of London adventured smal stockes,
and in the company of this shippe, sayled also out of Bristow
three or foure smal shippes fraught with slight and grosse
wares as course cloth, Caps, Laces, points and such other.

(Annals or a great Chronicle of England begun by I. Stow,
continued by Edm. Howes, London, 1631. p. 480.)

Stow follows this extract with this other taken from Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert's Discourse For a new Passage to Cataia.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight in his booke intituled a dis-
coverie for a new passage to Cataia writeth thus, Sebastian
Gabato, by hys personal experience and travaile hath set forth
and discribed this passage in his Chartes, whiche are yet to be
seene in yc queenes Maiestes privie Gallerie, at White Hall,
who was sent to make this discoverie by King Henrie the sev-
enth, and entered the same fret, affirming y1 he sayled very far
westward wyth a quarter of the North on the Northside of Terra
de Labrador, the eleventh of June, until he came to the sep-
tentrional latitude of 67 h degrees, and finding the seas stil
open, sayd, y the might and would have gone to Cataia if the
inimitie of the Maister and Mariners had not bene.

X.

Extracts from accounts of the privy purse of Henry VII (from
the M S. of the British Museum, Additional 7099, printed in
the Excerpta Historica, or Illustrations of English History, pub-
lished by S. Bentley, London, 1831. )

— Fol. 41 (anno) 12 Henrie VII, 1497.
"August 10. To hym that founde the new Isle, L. 10." (p. 113.)
—Fol. 45, 12 Hen. VII, 1498.

326

APPENDIX NO. 11.

"March 22. To Lanslot Thirkill of London upon a Prest for
his shipp going towards the new Ilande, L. 20."

— "Item delivered to Launcelot Thirkill going towards the
new He in Prest, L. 20."

"April 1st. Item to Thomas Bradley and Launcelot Thir-
kill going to the new Isle, L. 30."

—"To John Carter going to the newe He in reward, 40 s."
(pp. 116, 117.)

XI.

Copia de uno capitolo scrive in una letera Bier Lorenzo Pasqualigo
di Sier Filippo, di Londra adi 23 agosto, a Sier Alvise e Francesco
Pasqualigo suo fradeli Veniexia, ricevuta adi 23. Setembrio 1497.

"L'e venuto sto nostro Venetiano che ando con uno navilio
de Bristo a trovar ixole nove, e dice haver trovato lige 700
lontam de qui Teraferma, ze el paexe del gram cam, e che
andato per la costa lige 300, e che desmontato e non a visto
persona alguna, ma a portato qui al re certi lazi ch'era tesi
per prender salvadexine, e uno ago da far rede e a trovato
certi albori tagiati, si che per questo iudicha che ze persone.
Vene in mare per dubito,* et e stato mexi tri sul viazo e questo
e certo, e al tornar aldreto a visto do ixole ma non ha voluto
desender per non perder tempo che la vituaria li mancava.
Sto re ne habuto grande piacer e dise che le aque e stanche e
non hano corso come qui. El re li ha promesso a tempo novo
navil X e armati come lui vora ed ali dato tutti i presonieri
da traditori in fuora che vadano con lui come lui a richiesto
e ali dato danari fazi bona ziera fino a quel tempo e con so
moier venitiana e con so noli a Bristo. El qual se chiama
Zuam Talbot, f e chiamasi el gran armirante e vienli fato

* It seems that he means to say : "in the belief that the country was inhab-
ited he returned to his ship per dubito, i. e. doubting of his reception by the
natives."

f "I have no doubt that we should read Cabot, the more so as this name
is altered to Cabot in the later pages of the text of Sanudo. This is further

APPENDIX NO. 12. 327

gran de honor e va vestido deseda e sti Inglexi li vano driedo
a mo pazi e pur ne volese tanti quanti navrebbe con lui e
etiam molti de nostri furfanti. Sto inventor de queste cose a
impiantato suli terreni a trovato una gran 4* con una
bandiera de Ingeltera e una de san Marcho per essere lui
Venetiano, si che el nostro confalone se stese molto in qua . "
(Marin Sanudo. Diarii, vol. i, p. 806. Venezia, 1879.).

XII.

Extract from a letter of Raimondo da Soncino, Ambassador of the
Duke of Milan to the Court of Henry VII (Archivii Sforza
Milano.)

Rawdon Brown published it in English in his Calendar &c,
vol. iii, p 260, n. 750. The original in the State archives of
Milan cannot be found : H. Harrisse has published the text
as in the original, as it appears from the copy which Rawdon
Brown got from the Public Record Office. It runs thus :

Londra, 24 Agosto, 1497. — Item la Magesta de Re sono
mesi passate havia mandato uno Veneciano el qual e molto
bono marinare e a bona scientia de trovare insule nove, e
ritornato a salvamento et a ritrovato due insule nove gran-
dissime et fructiffere et etiam trovato le septe citade lontane
da 1' insula de Ingilterra lege 400 per lo camino de ponente :
la Maesta de Re questo primo bono tempo gli vole man-
dare XV in XX navili.

H. Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 323.

justified by note 74 on page 217 of vol. i of Rawdon Brown's work. On the
Life and works of Marin Sanudo." L. Pasini, INavigatoH al Polo Artico, p.19.

328 APPENDIX NO. 13.

XIII.

Second Letter of Raimondo da Soncino (Archivio di Stato in
Milano, Potenze Estere, Inghilterra, 1497, dicembre).

18 Decembre 1497. — Illustrissimo et excellentissimo Signor
mio. Forsi che tra tante occupatione V. Ex. non li sara rao-
lesto intendere come questa Maesta ha guadagnato una parte
de Asia senza colpo de spada. In questo regno e uno popo-
lare Venetiano chiamato messer Zoanne Caboto de gentile
ingenio, peritissimo della navigatione, el qual visto ehe li
Serenissimi Re prima del Portugallo poi de Spagna hanno oc-
cupato isole incognite, delibera fare uno simile acquisto per
dicta Maesta. Ed impetrato privilegj regij, che lutile dominio
de quanto el trovasse fosse suo, purche lo diretto se reserva
alia Corona, cum uno piccolo naviglio e XVIII persone se pose
ala fortuna, et partitosi da Bristo porto occidentale de questo
regno et passato Ibernia piu occidentale, e poi alzatosi verso
el septentrione, comencio ad navigare ale parte orientale,
lassandosi (fra qualche giorni) la tramontana ad mano drita,
et havendo assai errato, inline capitoe in terra ferma, dove
posto la bandera regia, et tolto la possessione per questa
Alteza, et preso certi segnali, se ne ritornato. Al ditto messer
Zoanne, come alienigena et povero non saria creduto, se li com-
pagni chi sono quasi tutti inglesi et da Bristo non testificas-
sero cio che lui dice esser vero. Esso messer Zoanne ha la des-
criptione del mondo in una carta, et anche in una sphera
solida che lui ha fatto, et demonstra dove e capitato, et an-
dando verso el levante ha passato assai el paese del Tanais. Et
dicono che la e terra optima et temperata, et estimanno que vi
nasca el brasilio et le sete, et affermanno che quello mare e
coperto de pessi li quali se prendenno non solo cum la rete, ma
cum le ciste, essendoli alligatouno saxo ad cio chela cista se
impozi in lagua, et questo io l'ho oldito narrare al dicto mes-
ser Ioanne.

Et ditti Inglesi suoi compagni dicono che portaranno tanti

APPENDIX NO. 13. 329

pessi che questo regno no havera piu bisogno de Islanda, del
quale paese viene una grandissima mercantia de pessi che si
chiamano stockfisse. Ma messer Zoanne ha posto 1' animo ad
magior cosa perche pensa, da quello loco occupato andarsene
sempre a Riva Riva piu verso el Levante, tanto chel sia al op-
posito de una Isola da lui chiamata Cipango, posta in la re-
gione ©quinoctiale, dove crede che nascono tutte le speciarie
del mundo et anche le gioie, et dice che altre volte esso e
stato alia Meccha, dove per caravane de luntani paesi sono por-
tate ie speciarie, et domandati quelli che le portanno, dove
nascono ditte speciarie, respondenno che non sanno, ma che
venghono cum questa mercantia da luntani paesi ad casa sua
altre caravane, le quale ancora dicono che ad loro sono por-
tate da altre remote regioni. Et fa questo argumento che se
li orientali affermanno ali meridionali che queste cose vengho-
no lontano da loro, et cosi da mano in mano, presupposta la
rotundita della terra, e necessario che li ultimi le tolliano al
septentrione verso 1' occidente. Et dicello per modo che non
me constando piu como costa, ancora io lo credo. Et che e
maggior cosa questa maesta che e savia et non prodiga, an-
cora lei li presta qualche fede, perche da poi chel e tomato,
li da assai bona provisione come esso messer Zoanne me dice.
Et a tempo novo se dice che la Maesta prefata armara alcuni
naviglij, et ultra li daratutti li malfattori et anderano in
quello paese ad fare una colonia, mediante la quale sperano
de fare in Londres magior fondaco de speciarie che sia in A-
lexandria, et li principali dell' impresa sono de Bristo, grandi
marinari li quali hora che sanno dove an dare, dicono che la
non e navigatione de piu che XV giorni, ne hanno mai for-
tuna come abandonano Ibernia. Ho ancora parlato cum uno
Borgognone compagno di mess. Zoanne chi afferma tutto et
vole tornarci perche lo armirante (che gia messer Zoanne cosi
se intitula) li ha donato una Isola ; et ne ha donato una al-
tra ad un suo barbiere da castione genovese, et intrambi se re-
putanno conti, ne monsignor L' Armirante se estima manco
de principe. Credo ancora andarano cum questo passaggio
alcun poveri frati Italiani li quali tutti hanno promissione
de Vescovati. Et per essere io fatto amico de Larmirante,

330 APPENDIX NO. 14.

quando volessi andarvi, haverei uno Archivescovato, ma ho
pensato chel sia piu secura cosa li beneficij quali V. Ex. me
ha reservati, et perho supplico che quando vacassero in mia
absentia la me faccia dare la possessione, ordenando fra questo
megio dove bisogna, che non me siano tolti da altri, li quali
per essere presenti possono essere piu diligenti di me, el quale
sono redutto in questo paese ad mangiare ogni pasto de x o
xii vivande, et stare tre hore ad tavola per volta ogni giorno
due volte per amore de' Vostra Excellentia. A la quale hu-
milmente me recomando.

Londonie, xviii Decern. 1497.

Excellentie Vestre,

Humillimus Servus,

Raimundus.

XIV.

Second Letter Patent of the King of England to John Cabot
( 1498, 3 February ).

( Public Record office, Chancery, signed Bill, sub anno
13 Henr. VII. no. 6 ).

Memorandum quod tertio die februarii anno regni regis
Henrici Septimi XIII ista Billa deliberata fuit domino Can-
cellario Anglie apud Westmonasterium exequenda.
To the Kynge.

Please it your Highnesse, of your moste noble and abund-
ant grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Veneciane your gracious
lettres patentes in due forme to be made accordyng to
the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and hy shall continually praye to
God for the preservation of your moste noble and royale
astate longe to endure.

H. R. ( Henricus Rex. ).

To all men to whom theis Presentis Shall come send Greting
Knowe ye that we of our Grace especiall, and for dyvers causis
us movyng, We have geven and graunten and by theis
Presentis geve and graunte to our well beloved John Kabotto,

APPENDIX NO. 15. 331

Venician, sufficiente auctorite and power, that he, by hym his
Deputie or Deputies sufficient, may take at his pleasure VI
Englisshe shippes in any Porte or Portes or other place
within this our Realme of England or obeinsaunce to that,
and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of CC. ton-
nes or under, with their appareil requisite and necessarie
for the safe conduct of the said shippes, and theym con-
vey and lede to the Lande and lies of late founde by the seid
John in oure name and by oure coumandemente, payng for
theym and every of theym as and if we should in or for
our owen cause paye and noon otherwise.

And that the seid John by hym his Deputie or Deputies
sufficiente maye take and receyve into the seid shippes
and every of theym all suche maisters, maryners, pages,
and our subjects, as of theyr owen free wille woll goo
and passe with hym in the same shippes to the seid Lande or
lies withoute any impedymente lett or perturbance of
any of our officeis or ministress or subjectes whatsoevir
they be by theym to the seid subjectes or any of theym passing
with the seid John in the seid shippes to the seid Lande or
lies to be doon or suffer to be doon or attempted. Yeving in
commaundement to all and every our officers ministres
and subjectes seyng or heryng theis our lettres patents, with-
oute anye ferther commaundement by us to theym or
any of theym to be geven, to perfourme and socour the seid
John, his Deputie and all our seid subjectes to passynge with
him according to the tenor of theis our lettres patentis. Any
Statute, acte or ordenaunce to the contrarye made or to
be made in any wise notwithstanding.

XV.

Letter of Dr. Puebla to the Catholic Kings, Ferdinand and Isa-
bella (1498 ).

" El Rey de Inglaterra embia cinco naos armadas con o-
tro genoves como colono a buscar la Isla de Brasil y las vicin-

332 APPENDIX NO 16.

idades,* fueron proveydos por un afio. Dicen que seran
venidos para al el Septiembre. Vista la derrota que llevan
alio que lo que buscan es lo que Vuestras Altezas poseen. El rey
mehafablado alcunas veces subrello espera haver muy gran in-
teresse. Creo que no hay de aqui alia CCCC leguas."

Extracted from Bergenroth's charts preserved in the Public
Eecord Office at London, on the copy which he drew from
the original in the archives of Simancas. It is undated
but from its contents must have little preceded the following
letter from Ayala.

XVI.

Letter of Prothonotary Pedro de Ayala to the Catholic Kings
(25 July, 1498 ).

" Bien creo, vuestras altezas an oido, como el Rey de Ing-
laterra ha fecho armada para descubrir ciertas islas y tierra
tirme que le han certificado hallaron ciertos que de Bristol
armaron afio passado para lo mismo. Yo he visto la carta
que ha fecho el inventador que es otro genoves como Colon
que ha estado en Sevilla y en Lisbona procurando haver quien
le ayudasse a esta invencion. Los de Bristol, ha siefce ano
que cada afio an armado dos, tres, cuatro caravelas para ir a
buscar la isla de Brasil y las siete ciudades con la fantasia
deste Ginoves. El Rey determino de enbiar porque el afio
passado le truxo certenidad que h avian hallado tierra. Del
armada que hizo que fueron cinco naos fueron avitallados por
un ano. Ha venido nueva la una en que iva un otro Fai
( sic pro Fray ?) Buil aporto en Irlanda con gran tormento
rotto el navio.

"El ginoves tiro su camino. Yo, vista la derrota que llevan
y la cantidad del camino hallo que es lo que han hallado
o buscan lo que Vuestras Altezas poseen, porque es al cabo

* Desimoni suspects that vicinidaan in the original should be septe citades,
Intorno a Giovanni Caboto, Pref. p. 15. 1 am of his opinion.

APPENDIX NO. 17. 333

que a Vuestras Altezas capo por la convencion con Portugal.
Sperase seran venidos para el setiembre. Hago lo sa-
ber a Vuestras Altezas. El Key de Ynglaterra me ha fablado
algunas vezes sobre ello. Spero aver muy gran interesse*

Creo no ay quatro cientos leguas. Yo le dixe, creya eran las
halladas por Vuestras Altezas, y aun le dia la mia razon no lo
querria. Porque creo V. A. ya tendrau aviso de todo lo y asy-
mismo al carta o mapa mundi que este ha fecho, yo no la
enbio agora, que aqui la ay, y a mi ver bien falsa por dar a
entender, no son de las islas dichas."

(Simancas, Estado. Tradado con Inglaterra. Legaio 2.)

XVII.

Accounts of Payments to Sebastian Cabot in Spain.

A. En 6 Marzo 514 : se dan a Sebast. Cabot 50 ducados en
cuenta del salario que se le ha de dar, con que fuese a la corte
a consultar con S. A. las cosas del viaje que ha de llevar a
descubrir 18750.

B. Cedula del 26 Marzo 1514. Supone recibido Capitan pa-
ra las cosas de mar a Sebast. Caboto Ingles con 50,000 i se
manda que por quanto estav a aderezando cosa de su casa i
hacienda para venirze, le paguen enteramente el salario desde
que fue recibido hasta que vino i se presento.

* It is thus in the document according to the copy which Bergenroth
( Calendars, vol. i, p. 176—177. n. 210 ) obtained from the Simancas records,
and the words would mean "I hope for a very great profit," but no sense can
be made of that. Reumont ( Archivio Storico Italiano, t. VI, Anno 1880,
p. 416), to make sense, joined this sentence with the preceding, and explained
it thus : "I write these details, the king having often spoken to me of them,
believing that your Highnesses would feel great interest in them." But the only
change needed is to put the third person spera for the first spero. In the text
of my narrative I have proved that Ayala's letter traced after Puebla's, and
the latter has "espera haver muy gran interesse;" that is, the King of England
has several times spoken to me about it and "he hopes to derive great profit
from it."

334 APPENDIX NO. 18.

C. En 7 April se le libraron 13,637 h mrs a complimiento de
76,637 1 de su quitacion de Capitan deS A. desde 20 Octubre
512 hasta fin de April 514, a razon de 50,000 por ano, En
Londres havia recibido de D. Luis Carros Embajador 44,250.
En 11 may se le libro un tercio adelantado de su salario por
estar gastado de su venida de Londres, i haver enbiado a traer
su muger. (Mss. of Murioz, fol. 519.)

1515

D. En 30 Agosto a Seb. Caboto Capitan de mar 40,267 h mrs;
por Cedula Real para que se le pagase el salario de 9. meses
i 20 dias que se le dejaron de pagar el ano que fue recibido a
dicho officio con salario de 50,000, Ademas sin I desto ano :
16,666.

E. Nombranse este aiio Pilotos de S. A con sueldo Solis
mayor — Seb. Cabot — Andres de S Martin — Iuan Vespuche —
Iuan Serrano — Andres Garcia de Nino — Francisco Coto —
Francisco de Torres — Vasco Gallego (Munoz MS.)

1519

Pilotos de Rei. Mayo 6.

F. — A Andres de San Martin, Francisco de Soto, Iuan Ser-
rano, a cada 10,000 por el h de sus salarios — a Sebastian Gabot,
Capitan e Piloto mayor, 25,000 por i de su salario.

— A Andres Nino, Vasco Gallego, Iuan Rodriguez de
Mafra, Estevan Gomez, Iuan Vespuche, Francisco de Torres,
Pilotos de S. A. los h de sus salarios.

[Cuenta de Dr. Sanclio de Matrenzo, Tesorero de la Casa de
Sevilla, 515 — 19. Munoz M.S.]

XVIII.

Narrative of Peter Martyr of Anc/hiera, of Sebastian Cabot 's
voyages to the North.

Scrutatus est eas glaciales oras Sebastianus quidam Ca-
botus genere Venetus, sed a parentibus in Britanniam in-
sulam tendentious (uti moris est Venetorum, qui commercii

APPENDIX NO. 18. 335

causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites) transportatus peno
infans. Duo is sibi navigia propria pecunia in Britannia
ipsa instruxit, et primo tendens cum hominibus tercentum
ad septentrionem, donee etiam Julio mense vastas repererit
glaciales moles pelago natantes, et lucem fere perpetuam,
tellure tamen libera gelu liquefacto. Quare coactus fuit,
ut ait, vela vertere et occidentem sequi : tetenditque tamen
ad meridiem, littore sese incurvante, et Herculei fretus
latitudinis fere gradus aequarit : ad occidentemque profectus
tantum est, ut Cubam insulam a leva longitudine graduum
pene parem habuerit. Is ea littora percurrens, quae Bacal-
laos appellavit, eosdem se reperisse aquarum, sed lenes,
delapsus ad occidentem, ait, quas Castellani, meridionales

suas regiones adnavigantes, inveniunt Bacallaos

Cabottus ipse terras illas appellavit eo quod in eorum pelago
tantam repererit magnorum quorumdam piscium, tinnos
aemulantium ; sic vocatorum ab indigenis, multitudinem,
ut etiam illi navigia interdum retardarent. Earum regionum
homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat, rationis haud-
quaquam exspertes. Ursorum inesse regionibus copiam
ingentem refert, qui et ipsi piscibus vescantur. Inter densa
namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt ursi, et
singulos singuli complexos, unguibusque inter squamas im-
missis'in terram raptant et comedunt. Propterea minime
noxios hominibus ursos esse ait. Oricalcum in plerisque locis
se vidisse apud incolas praedicat. Familiarem habeo domi
Cabotum ipsum et contubernalem interdum. Vocatus nam-
que ex Britannia arege nostro Catholico post Henrici majoris
Britanniae regis mortem, concurialis noster est : expectatque
in dies ut navigia sibi parentur, quibus arcanum hoc naturae
latens iam tandem detegatur.* Martio mense anni futuri
MDXVI puto ad explorandum discessurum. Quae succedent
tua Sanctitasf per me intelliget modo vivere detur. Ex Cas-

*Arcanum hoc naturae latens,th;it is, the strong current of the waters of the
sea towards the west, as the writer clearly expressed it just before, and not
the passage to the north-west, as Tiraboschi understands it.— Placido Zurla,
Di Marco Polo, cap. ii, p. 180.

t Tua Sanctitas, that is, the supreme Pontiff of Rome., to whom Peter
Martyr dedicated his Decades.

336 APPENDIX NO. 19.

tellanis non desunt qui Cabotum primum fuisse Baccalorum
repertorem negant, tantumque ad Occidentem tetendisse
minime assentiuntur.

Petri Martyris ab Angleria, Be Rebus Oceanicis et Orbe novo.
Dec. iii, Jib. vi. For the first three decades I have before me
the edition of Giovanni Bebelio, Basel, 1533. — For the
remainder, the edition of Paris, 1587.

XIX.

Narrative of the anonymous author in Ramusio.

Mi par convenevole di non lassare per modo alcuno, che io
non racconti un grade, et ammirabile ragionamento, che io
udi questi mesi passati insieme col]' excellente Architetto M.
Michele da S. Michele, nelP ameno et dilettevole luogo dell'
eccellente Messer Hieronimo Fracastoro detto Caphi, posto

nel Veronese II qual ragionamento non mi basta l'animo

di poter scrivere cosi particolarmente com' io ud], perche vi
saria di bisogno altro ingegno, et altra memoria che non e la
mia, pur mi sforzero sommariamente, et come per capi di
recitar quel che mi potro ricordare. In questo luogo di Caphi
adunque essendo andati a visitar detto eccellente messer
Hieronimo, lo trovammo accompagnato con un gentiP
huomo, grandissimo philosopho et mathematico, che allhora
gli mostrava uno instrumento fatto sopra un moto de cieli,
trovato di nuovo, il nome del quale per suoi rispetti non si
dice, et avendo tra loro disputato lungamente sopra questo
stesso nuovo moto, per ricrearsi alquato l'animo fecero portare
una balla grande molto particolare di tutto il mondo, sopra
la quale questo gentil' huomo comincio a parlare dicendo. . . .

Non sapete a questo proposito d' andare a trovar 1' Indie
pel vento di maestro, quel che fece gia un vostro cittadino
Venetiano, ch' e cosi valente et practico delle cose pertinenti
alia navigazione et alia cosmographia, ch' in Spagna al pre-
sente non v' e un suo pari, et la sua virtu T ha fatto preporre

APPENDIX NO. 19. 337

a tutti li pilotti che navigano alle Indie occidentali, che senza
sua licentia non possono far quell' essercitio, et per questo lo
chiamano Pilotto maggiore, et rispondendo noi. che non lo
sapevamo, continuo, dicendo, che ritrovandosi gia alcuni anni
nella citta, di Sivilia, et desiderando di saper qlle navigationi
de Castigliani, gli fu detto, che v' era un gra valent' huomo
Venetiano che havea '1 carico di quelle, nominato '1 Signor
Sebastiano Caboto, il qual sapeva far carte marine di sua
mano, et intendeva V arte del navigare piu ch' alcun altro. Su-
bito volsi essere col detto, et lo trovai una gentilissima persona
et cortese, chi mi fece gran carezze, et mostrommi molte cose,
et fra Y altre un Mapamondo grande colle navigationi parti-
colari si di Portoghesi, come di Castigliani, et mi disse che sen-
dosi partito suo padre da Venetia gia molti anni, et andato a
stare i Inghilterra a far mercantie lo menu seco nella citta- di
Londra, ch' egli era assai giovane, non gia pero che non avesse
imparato et lettere d' humanita et la sphera. Mori il padre
in quel tempo che venne nova che '1 signor Don Christoforo Co-
lombo Genovese havea scoperta la costa dell' Indie, e se ne
parlava grandemente per tutta la corte del Re Henrico VII,
che allhora regnava, dicendosi che era stata cosa piuttosto di-
vina che humana 1' haver trovata quella via mai piu saputa
d' andare in Oriente, dove nascono le Spetie. Per il che mi
nacque un desiderio grande, anzi un ardor nel core di voler
fare anchora io qualche cosa segnalata, et sapendo per ra-
gion della sphera, che s' io navigassi per via del vento di maes-
tro, haverei minor cammino a trovar Y Indie, subito feci in-
tendere questo mio pensiero alia Maesta del Re, il quale fu
molto contento, et mi armo due caravelle di tutto cio che era
di bisogno, et fu del 1496* nel principio della State, et comin-
ciai a navigare verso maestro, pensando di non trovar terra
se non quella dov' e il Cataio, et di la poi voltare verso le In-
die ; ma in capo di alquanti giorni la discopersi che correva
verso tramontana, che mi fu d' infmito dispiacere, e pur an-

*The first edition of 1550, also at Venice, by the heirs of Lucantonio Giunti,
says : "mi armo due caravelle di tutto cio che era di bisocrno, et fu, salvo il
pero, del 1496." p. 402.

22

338 APPENDIX NO. 20.

dando dietro la costa per vedere se io poteva trovare qualche
golfo che voltasse, non vi fu mai ordine, che andato sino a
gradi cinquantasei sotto il nostro polo, vedendo che quivi la
costa voltava verso levante, disperato di trovarlo, me ne tornai
a dietro a riconoscere ancora la detta costa dalla parte verso Y
equinoziale sempre con intenzione di trovar passaggio alle
Indie, e venni sino a quella che chiamano al presente la Flo-
rida, et mancandomi gia la vettovaglia, presi partito di ritor-
narmene in Inghilterra, dove giunto trovai grandissimi tu-
multi di popoli sollevati et della guerra in Scotia : ne piu era in
consideratione alcuna il navigare in queste parti, per il che me
ne venni in Spagna al Re Catholico, et alia Regina Isabella, i
quali avendo inteso cid che io aveva fatto, mi raccolsero, et mi
diedero buona provisione, facendomi navigar dietro la costa
del Brasil, pei volerla scoprire, sopra la qual trovato un gros-
sissimo et larghissimo flume, detto al presente della Plata, lo
volsi navigare, et andai all' insu per quello piu di secento leghe
trovandolo sempre bellissimo et habitato da infiniti popoli, che
per maraviglia correvano a vedermi, et m quello sboccavano
tanti fiumi che non si potria credere. Feci poi molte altre navi-
gation^ le quali preterm etto, et trovandomi alia fine vecchio
volsi riposare essendosi allevati tanti pratichi, et valenti ma-
rinari giovani, et hora me ne sto con questo carico che voi sa-
pete, godendo il frutto delle mie fatiche. Questo e quanto io
intesi dal signer Sebastianc Caboto. Ramusio, Delle Navi-
gazioni et Viaggi, Primo Volume, Ediz. seconda. Giunti, 1554.
p. 414—415.

XX.

Transfer of Sebastian Cabot's pension in favor of his wife.

Cedula de Toledo 25 Octobre. Por quanto Caboto ha
renunciado en Catalina Medrano su muger los 25,000 de
su ayuda de costa, suplicando que como el los tenia por
su vida, los goce ella por la suya della : por que si Dios
fuese servido quel muriese en el viaje e armada que

APPENDIX NO. 21. 339

agora hace por nuestro mandado i en nuestro servicio al
descubrimiento de las islas de Tarsis e Oflr e al Catayo Orien-
tal, tenga su muger eso para mantenerse. Asi se manda.
(Mufioz MS ; Indias, 1524—1526, 77. Est, 23, gr. fol. 165).

XXL

Extract from the history of Francisco Lopez de Gomara on
Sebastiaji CaboVs Voyage to the North- West

Qui en mas noticia traxo desta tierra fue Sebastian Gaboto
Veneciano. El qual armo dos navios en Inglaterra do
tratava desde pequeno, a costa del Key Enrique Septimo, que
desseava contratar en la especiera como hazia el rey de
Portugal. Otros disen que a su costa, y que prometio
al rey Enrique de ir por el norte al Catayo y traer
de alia especias en menos tiempo que Portugueses por
el sur. Yva tambien por saber que tierra eran las Indias pa-
ra poblar. Llevo trecientos hombres y camino la buelta
de Islandia sobre cabo del Labrador, hasta se poner en
cinquenta y ocho grados. Aunque el dize mucho mas con-
tando como avia por el mes de julio tanto frio y pedals
de yelo que no oso passar mas adelante, y que los dias eran
grandissimos y quasi sin noche y las noches muy claras. Es
cierte que a sesenta grados son los dias de diez y ocho horas.
Diendo pues Gabota la frialdad y estraneza de la tierra, dio
la buelta hazia poniente y rehaziendose en los Baccalaos cor-
rio la costa hasta treynta y ochos grados y tornose de alii
a Inglaterra.

Historia General de las Indias, (^aragoca. 1552. Part I, cap.
De los Bacallaos.

340 APPENDIX NO. 23.

\

XXII.

Extract from the Treatise of Antonio Galvao on the same Voyage

No anno de 1496 achandose hum Venezeano por nome
Sebastiano Gaboto em Inglaterra, et ouvindo nova de tarn
novo descubrimento como este era: et vendo em hum a poma
como estas jlhas acima ditas estano quasi em hum parallelo et
altura et muyto mais perto de sua terra huma a outra que de
Portugal nem Castella, o amostron a el Rey dom Annrique o
septimo de que elle ficou tarn satisfeito que mandou logo
armar dous navios, partio na primavera com trezentos com-
panheiros, fez seu caminho a Loeste a vista do terra, et quar-
enta et cinco graos d'altura da parte donorte, forano por ella ate
sessenta onde os diam sam de dezoyto horas, et as noytes muy
claras et serenas. A via aqui muyta frialdade et ilhas de
neve que nao achavam grandes regelos, do que tambem se
arreceavam. E como daqui por dianta tornasse a costa ao
levante, fizeramose na outra volta ao longo descobrindo toda
a baya, rio, enseada, p'ra ver se passava da outra banda, et
foram assi diminuindo n' altura ate trinta et oyto graos, donde
se tornaram a Inglaterra. Outros querem dized que chegasse a
ponta da Florida que esta em vinte cinco graos.

Tratado que compos o nobre e notavel capitano Antonio Galvao

Lisboa, Joham de Barriera, 1563.

XXIII.

Extract from Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Discourse.

Forth ermore, Sebastian Cabota by his personall experience
and travell, hath set foorth, and described this passage in
his Charts whiche are yet to be seene, in the Queenes
Maiesties privie Gallerie, at Whiteall, who was sent to make
this discoverie by King Henrie the seaventh, and entered the

APPENDIX NO. 24. 341

same fret : affirming, that he sailed very far westward, with
a quarter of the North, on the north side of Terra de Labrador
the eleventh of Iune, until he came to the septentrional lati-
tude of 67 h degrees and finding the seas still open, said, that
he might, and would have gone to Cataia, if the mutinie of
the Maister and Mariners had not ben.

(/I discourse of a Discoverie for a new Passage to Cataia, Lon-
don, 1576, in-4, sign. Diii).

XXIV.

Extract from the Works of Andre Thevet.

Depuis un Venitien entreprint ce voiage sur Y authorite d'
Henry septiesme de ce nom Roy d' Angleterre, lequel passa
iusque a soixante sept degres.

From the gran Insidaire et Pilotage d1 Andre Thevet Angou-
moisin Cosmographe du Roy., ms. in the National Library at
Paris, French portion. N. 15. 452, t. I, f. 143.

Elle hit decouverte primierement par Sebastian Babate (sic)
Anglois lequel persuada au Roy d'Angleterre Henry sep-
tiesme qu'il iroit aisement par la au pais de Catay vers le
Nort et par ce moyen trouveroit espiceries et autres choses
aussi bien que le Roy de Portugal aux Indes, joint qu'il se
proposoit aller au Peru et Amerique pour peupler le pais de
nouveaus habitans et dresser la une Nouvelle Angleterre,ce que
n' executa ; vray est qu'il mist bien trois cens hommes en terre
du coste d'Irlande au Nort ou le froid fist mourir presque
toute sa compagnie encore que ce fust au moys de Juillet.
Depuis Jaques Quartier [ ainsi que luy mesme m'a recite] fist
deux fois le voyage en ce pays la, c'est k savoir Fan mil cinq
cens trente quatre et mil cinq cens trente cinq.

Singularitez de la France Antarctique. Paris, 1558, in-4, cap.
LXXIV, f. 148.

342 APPENDIX NO. 25.

XXV.

Letter of the Council of Ten to Gaspar Contarini, Venetian Ambas-
sador to Spain, 27 September, 1522.

Oratori nostro apud Caesar earn et Cattolicam Maiestatem.

Zonze l'altro giorno de qui uno Don hierolamo di Marin
de Bucignolo Rhaguseo, quale venuto alia presentia delli
Capi del Consiglio nostro di Dieci Disse esser sta mandato per
uno Sebastian Cabotto, che dice esser di questa citta nostra, et
al presente habita in Sybilia, dove par habbi pro v vision
da quella Cesarea et Cattolica Maesta per suo pedota major
in le navigation del discoprir terre nove. Et per nome di
quello referi quanto per la inserta deposition sua vede-
rete, dalla quale ancorche ne appari non poter prestare molta
fede, pure per esser de la importantia le non havremmo
dovuto refiutare la oblation ne fa epso Sebastian de poter venir
de qui alia presentia nostra, per dichiarirne quanto li va per
mente in la materia propostane. Unde siamo sta contenti che
el ditto Hierolamo li rescrivi nel modo che per le sueincluse
vederete ; volemo adunque et noi detti capi del Consiglio nos-
tro dei Dieci ne commettemo, che cun ogni diligente ma
cauta forma, provriasi di intender se il predetto Sabastian
fusse in quella corte aut per venirli de breve, nel qual caso
faciano venirlo ad voi, et consignarli dette lettere a lui
dirrective, le quali per ogni bon rispecto haveriamo fatto
allegar ad altre indriciate al fidelissimo servitor vostro,
che pur staranno in le present!. Ne in lui dimonstrarete saper
alcuna cosa di tal materia, nisi in caso che el se scoprisse cun
voi, nel qual, siamo ben contenti li dichiariate el tuto,
cun veder de sottrazer quel piu potersi del sentimento suo, et
quando vedesse el si movesse cun bon fondamento, et sensi-
bile, lo conforterete ad venir di qui, perche non solum siamo
volenti ch' el venga sicuramente, ma lo vederemo molto
volentieri. Quando autem el non fusse di li in corte, et nunc
per venirle, ma si ritrovasse in Sybilia, darete ogni opera
di mandarli tutte lettere per via che siate si euro le gel capitino

APPENDIX NO. 26. 343

in mano propria. Demostrando a quello per cui le rnandaste,
che vi siano sta inviate da alcun vostro particolar de qui,
et di ogni sucesso ne darete adviso ad detti Capi del Con-
siglio nostro di Dieci. Demum havendo nui ricevuto nova-
mente lettere dal capitano general de 5 dell' instante di
Candia cun advisi de le cose da Rhodi, vi mandiamo juxta il
solito li summary, accio li comunichiate de more a quella Ce-
sarea et Cattolica Maesta Magnifico Gran Cancellier,Reverendo
Episcopo de Valenza, et altri che vi apparerano.

( Lecta universo Collegio).

Iuliano Gradonico C. C. *i*

Andreus Mudesco C. C. 4*

Dominicus Capelo C. C. 4*

Le ultime che habbiamo da voi sono di 14 del presente alle
qual non dovrete far alcana risposta.*
(Capi del Consiglio dei X. Lettere Sottoscritte, Filza N. 5,1522).

XXVI.

Letter of Gaspar Contarini to the Senate of Venice, 31 December,
1522. {Lettere al Senato 1521-1525. It CI. VII, Cod. MIX della
Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia. — Carte 281-283.)

Serenissime Princeps et Excellentissimi Domini.

La terza vigilia di natale cum la debita riverentia mia ricevi
le lettere di Vostra Serenita date fino adi 27 septembrio per le
quali quella mi significa la expositione fatali da Hieronimo
Ragusei per nome di Sebastian Caboto et commettemi che
essendo qui a la Corte io li debba apresentar quella lettera et
facendomi lui moto alcuno, che io li debba aprir il tuto
et parendo le cose proposte da lui factibile che io lo exhorti a
venir a li piedi di Vostra Serenita. Hor per dar executione a

*Rawdon Brown's English translation has "to which you will perhaps
receive no farther reply."

344 Appendix no. 26.

prefate lettere, feci dextramente intender se costui era a
la Corte et inteso chel era qui, et la stantia sua, li mandai a
dir che el secretario mio li haveva da dar una lettera in-
viatale da un suo amico et che volendo el se transfer] sse alio
allogiamento mio.

Costui inteso questo rispose a quel servitor mio che el ve-
niria et cussi la vigilia di Natale venne al hora de disnar. Io
ritiratomi con lui, li detti la lettera, lui la lesse et legiendola
si mosse tutto di colore. Da poij letta, stete cussi un pocheto
senza dirmi altro quasi sbigotito et dubio. Alhora io li dissi
quando che el volesse risponder a dicte lettere over farme
intender qualche cosa che el volesse che io scrivesse a chi me
P havea inviata che io era prompto a farli aver bon recapito.
Lui assecurato alhora me disse. Io gia parlai a lo ambassator
della Illustrissima Signoria in Ingelterra * per la affectione
che io ho a la patria cum queste terre novamente trovate de
le quale io ho modo di dar gran utile a quella terra, et hora
di questo mi vien scripto, come dovete saper anchor vuj, ma
vi prego quanto posso che la cosa sij secreta perche a me an-
derebbe la vita. Io alhora li dissi che io sapeva il tutto
molto bene et disseli come il Raguseo era stato al Tribunal
de li Exellentissimi Signori Capi et che da quel Magistrato
secretissimo io havea habuto adviso del tutto et che per lui
mi era sta inviata quella lettera, ma perche havea meco a
pranso alcuni gentilhuomini che non era comodo che in quel
hora parlassemo insieme, ma la sera al tardo ritornando piu
comodamente ad longum ragionassemo insieme, et cussi
partito, la sera ritorno circa ad un hora di nocte, et rechiusi
soli in la mia camera me disse : Sign or Ambassator per
dirveiltuto io iiaqui a Yenetia ma sum nudrito in Ingelterra
et poij^veni al servitio di questi Re Catholici de Hispania, et
dal Re Ferdinando fui facto Capitano cum provisione di 50
m. maravedis, poij fui facto da questo Re presente piloto
major cum provisione di altri 50 m. maravedis, et per adiuto
di cose mi da poij 25 m. maravedis, che sono in tutto 125 m.

* Rawdon Brown remarks that he hns failed to find any trace of this
conversation of Sebastian Cabot with any Venetian Ambassador in England.

APPENDIX NO. 26. 345

maravedis, possono valer circa ducati 300. Hor ritrovandomi
ja tre anni, salvo il vero, in Ingel terra, quel Reverendissimo
Cardinal mi volea far grandi partiti die ic navigasse cum una
sua armada per discoprir paesi novi la quale era quasi in
ordine, et haveano preparati per spender in essa ducati 30 m.
Io li risposi che essendo al servitio di questa Maesta senza
sua licentianon lo potevaservire ma che havendo bona licentia
di qui io el serviria. In quelli giorni ragionando cum uno
frate Stragliano Collona veneto cum il quale havea ami-
citia grande, mi fu dicto dal prefacto frate : Messer Se-
bastiano vui vi afFaticati cussi grandemente per far beneficio a
genti externe non vi aricordate della vostra terra, non seria
possibile che etiam lei havesse qualche utilitada vuj. Allhora
io mi risenti tutto nel core et li risposi che penseria sopra cid.
Et cussi ritornato a lui il giorno seguente li dissi che io
haveva modo di far quella Citta partecipe di questa navi-
gatione, et dimostrarli via per la quale era per haver grande
utility come e il vero che io V ho ritrovata et cussi perche
servendo el Re d' Angeltera non poteva piu beneficiar la
patria mia, io scrissi alia Maesta Cesarea che non me desse
per niente licentia che servisse il Re de Engelterra perche li
saria de ianno grande, immo che subito me rivocasse, et
cussi rivocato et ritornato essendo in sibilla contraxi grande
amicitia cum questo Raguseo, il quale hora mi scrive,
dicendomi lui che el dovea transferirse a Venetia, mi slargai
cum lui et li commissi che questa cosa non la dovesse
manifestare ad altri che ali Capi di X. et cussi mi juro
Sacramento. Io li respusi prima laudando grandemente
V affecto suo verso la patria, poij li dissi chel Raguseo era
stato a li Excellentissimi Signori Capi, et che 10 da quel
Magistrato havea habuto lettere supra questa materia
et commissione che dovese essere cum lui et intender il
modo che lui se havea immaginato et significarlo a Sue
Excellentissime Signorie et che poij lui potria andarli
in persona. Ma rispose che lui non era per manifestar
il pensier suo ad altri che a li Excellentissimi Signori
Capi, et chel era per transferirse a Venetia, richiesta prima li-
centia da Cesare cum questa excusatione di la ricuperatione di

346 APPENDIX NO. 26.

la dote di sua madre, di la qual cosa se faria che lo episcopo
di Burgos et il magnifico Cancellier me parleriano et me insta-
riano che io scrivesse in favor suo a la Serenita Vostra. Io li
dissi che volendo venir lui a Venetia io laudava questo modo
che il mi diceva di chieder licentia etc. Quanto poij chel non
mi volesse manifestar il pensier suo, che io non poteva voler
piu di quel che lui volea, ma che ben mi pareva di dirli queste
parole et cussi dissi che in ogni deliberatione bisognava consi-
derar due cose, Y una era se quella impresa a la quale 1' homo
se metteria cum utilita, poij sel era possibile, et che questa im-
presa de la qual ragionavano io era certo che riuscendo 1' havea
esser utile. Ma che quanto alia possibility io era molto dubbio,
perche mi havea pur dilectato un pocho de geographia, et con-
siderando il sito di Venetia, io non ritrovava via alcuna a
questa navigatione perche el bisognava over navigar cum
navilij facti a Venetia over farli far for di stretto, in altro loco ;
facendoli a Venetia era necessario uscir for del stretto de
Zibilterra per venire nel Oceano, al che havendo contrary il
Re di Portogallo et il Re di Spagna era impossibile che la
cosa riuscisse. Facendo li navilij for di Venetia non se pote-
vano far se non a la volta del mar oceano de mezogiorno, ne
altro loco era se non il mar rosso, al che ne erano infiniti con-
trary perche prima bisognava haver intelligentia cum el sig.
Turcho, poij li per la penuria de li legnami era impossibile far
navilij. Poij quando ben si facesseno essendo le fortezze et
armate di Portogallo, non era possibile continuar quella navi-
gatione. Poij chi volea fabricar navili qui supra V oceano sep-
tentrionale discorendo da la Spagna a la Datia et poij piu in
la anchora, io non li vedeva modo, maxime essendo la Ger-
mania a la obedientia del Imperatore. La via poij di condure
merce da Venetia a quelli navilij, et da li navilij le spesie et
altre cose a Venetia, io non li vedeva via alcuna, tuta volta
perche essendo lui valenthuomo in questa materia, io mi
riportava a lui. Me rispose vuj avete ben discorso, et in
verita ne cum navilij facti a Venetia ne etiam per la via del
Mar rosso io non vedo modo alcuno. Ma ce altra via non
solum possibile ma facile et di far navilij et de condur merce da
Venetia al porto, et dal porto a Venetia spetie, oro et altre cose

APPENDIX NO. 27. 347

che io so perche io ho navigato tutti quelli paesi et so ben il
tuto, immo vi dico che non vulsi tor il partido de il Re de
Engelterra per beneficiar la patria, perche se tolleva quel
partido non restava poi via alcuna per Venetia. Io strinsi le
spalle et benche a me la cosa pari impossibile, pur non volsi
dissuaderlo chel venisse a li piedi di Vostra Celsitudine, ne
anche el suasi perche la possibilita e molto piu ampla de quel
che 1' homo spesse hate crede. Costui poij qui ha grande fama,
et cussi alhora se parti. II giorno poij di San Zuane la sera
vene a trovarme per far riconzar alcune parole in le letere del
Raguseo, delle qual dubitava che costoro non prendesseno
suspecto, et cussi da uno nostro Veronese mio intrinseco fu
rescripta et riformata la lettera. Lui ragionando cum me de
molte cose di geographia fra le altre me disse uno modo che
1'havea observato per la via del bossolo di conosser la distantia
fra due lochi da levante al ponente, molto bello ne mai piu
observato da altri, come da lui venendo Vostra Serenita potra
intender. Poij ragionando pur cum lui circa la materia prin-
cipal nostra et dextramente ripetendoli io le dimculta, me
disse et io vi dico che la via et il modo e facile. Andero a
Venetia a mie spese, me udirano ne piacendoli el modo per
me excogitato, io mi ritornero pur a mie spese, et fecemi in-
stantia che io tenesse la cosa secreta. Questa e stata la execu-
tione che io ho facto. Vostra Serenita la udira, et cum la
sapientia sua fara quel iuditio che li parera.
Vallijoleti, Die ultimo Decembris, 1522.

XXVII.

Another letter of Gaspar Gontarini to the Senate of Venice,

7 March, 1523.

(Carte 289 tergo. Lettere Contarini citate).

Serenlssime Princeps et Excellentissimi Domini.

Quel Sebastian Cabot del quale vostre Excellence me impose
a parlarli circa le cose de le spiziarie et da me cussi exeguito
conio per mie di x. zener li significai, e stato piu volte da poij

348 APPENDIX NO. 28.

ad me sempre facendomi intender la disposition sua esser di
venir exeguir quanto l'havria in animo di operar per Vostra
Celsitudine in tal materia de specie. Tandem liozi venuto ad
trovarmi, se ha risolto non poter per hora dimandare licentia
dubitando che non lo tolesseno per suspecto che el volesse an-
dare in Engelterra, et che pero li era necessario anchor per tre
mesi scorer, qual passati al tuto era per venir a li piedi
di Vostra Illustrissima Signoria, pregandola che interim la
vogli scriver una lettera in la forma de V altra li fu mandata
et solicitarlo a venir de li a Venetia per expedir le cose sue a
cio monstrandola, de qui li fusse piu liberamente concesso li-
centia. Scrivo a Vostra Celsitudine quanto che lui Sebastiano
mi ha dichiarito et ricercato, quella disponent quanto li pia-
cera.

Vallijoleti Die 7 Martij 1523.

XXVIII.

Letter of the Council of Ten to Gaspar Contarini.

(Brown N. 669 Vol. Ill)

28 Aprile 1523.
Ser Casparo Contareno

Oratori nostro apud Cesaream Maiestatem.

Ricevessimo in questi giorni passati le vostre direttive a li
Capi del Consiglio nostro dei Died, de ultimo Dicembre pros-
simo preterito, per le quali intendessemo tutto il colloquio
havuto cum Sebastiano Cabotto ne la materia de le specie,
nel che in vero cum summa prudentia, et bon modo vi sete
governato, et non potemo, se non grandemente commendare
il studio et diligenza vostra. Dapoi habiamo riceputo altre
vostre de 7 Marzo preterito, per le qual vedemo la risolu-
tione in ch'era rimasto esso Sebastiano, de non poter venir
qui fino a tre mesi ; et che poi al tuto Fera per vinir, rechie-
dendo chel se li faci de qui scriver una lettera in la forma

APPENDIX NO. 29. 34(j

delle precedenti per le cose sue, acio che cum quella al tempo
predicto possi licitamente partirsi de li. Unde per satisfactione
sua habiamo fatto far una altra lettera in nome di quello
Hieronymo de Marino da Rhagusi, che qui vene ad fame la
relatione di tal cose et mandovela qui inserta nel mazzo del
Circunspecto Secretario vostro, si come fu facto delle prece-
denti, la qual consignarete al dito Caboto semotis arbitris, sua-
dendolo che el se ne vengi qui, si come el vi ha promesso de
far, perche sempre el sara ben veduto da noi : et cusi esegui-
rete dandone adviso a li capi antedicti, et se al zonzer de
queste il prefacto Cabotto non se retrovasse de li in Corte,
mandereteli la lettera sua dove el se ritrovera. Tutta via per
mezo lido et securo si che la ge capiti in raano ; denotandovi
che il dito Hieronimo Marino al presente non se retrova
qui in Venezia, ne sapemo dove el sii, ancor che le lettere de
esso Hieronimo apparino date qui in Venezia. II che dicemo
per vostra instructione.

Andreas Foscarenus C. C. Xm
Jacobus Michael C. C. Xm subscrip.
Andreas Fosculus C. C. Xm subscrip.
Lecta Dominis Sapientibus utriusque manus semotis ce-
teris et etiam Dominis Consiliariis.

Lecta Dominis Capitibus.

XXIX.

Feigned letter of Jerome the Ragusan to Sebastian Cabot

Litterae scriptae nomine Hieronymi di Marino Rhagusei ad Sebas-
tianum Caboto in Hispaniam existentem.

Spectabile Messer Sebastiano. — Za alcuni mesi zonto che iu
fui qui in Venetia vi scrissi quanto haveva operato per in-
quirir dove si trovano de li beni vostri, nel che io hebbi bone
parolle in cadauno loco, et mi fu dato bona speranza de re-
cuperar la dote di vostra madre, et ameda, unde non dubito

350 APPENDIX NO. 30.

che si vui fosti venuto qui haveresti za conseguito quanto e
il vostro desiderio ; et per tanto per lo amor vi porto, et
per il beneficio, et utile ve sio exhortar ad non vi manchar a
vui medesimo, ma transferirve qui a Venetia, dove non du-
bitoimpetrarete il tutto, et non tarderete ad venir qui, perche
la ameda vostra e molto vecchia, et mancando lei, haveresti
poi grandissma fatica a inquirir et recuperar il vostro ; pero
ve conforto ad mettervi in camino piu presto potete. Altro
non vi dico per hora a vui mi offro per sernpre.
Venetiis Die 28 Aprilis 1523

Vostro hieronimo de Marino
(Capi del Consiglio de' Dieci. Lettere sottoscritte. Filza N.
6. 1523).

XXX.

Letter of Gaspar Contarini to the Senate oj Venice, 26 July, 1523.

Serenissime Princeps et excellentissimi Domini.

Cum la posta venuta de Italia per qui, come in le comune
facio mentione per via da Roma, ricevi cum la solita riveren-
tia mia lettere sue de 23 April per le qual Vostra Serenita dan-
dome adviso dil ricever de le mie scripteli circa la executions
facta cum Sebastiano Caboto etc. , me subgionge che iterum la,
invia altre lettere a lui Sebastiano a nome di quel Hieronimo de
Ragusi iuxta la nchiesta sua et cussi ho ritrovato in le pub-
liche esse lettere. La bona sorte volse, che essendo lui Se-
bastiano in Sibilia due giorni da poii il ricevir de le lettere,
ritorno de qui al qual consignato le sue lo exortai a venirsene
de li. Disseme che in altro non era il pensier suo et a questo
fine era venuto de qui. Da poij mi ha parlato dicendo chel
procura cum questi del Consiglio Cesareo di haver li centra di
conferirse de li, et che etiam parlino a me in commendatione
sua. Questo e quanto ho da lui, de quanto seguira Vostra
Serenita nc sara advisata.

Vallijoleti Die 26 Julij 1523.
(Carte 302, Lett. Contarini cit.)

APPENDIX NO. 32. 351

XXXL

Payment to Sebastian Cabot for the account of Sir Thomas Lovell, 18

February, 1524.

Item paide the XVIIIth day of feb. to John Goderik of Tory
in the countie of Cornewall drap in full satysfacon and recom-
penses of his charge costis and labour conductyng of Sebastian
Cabott master of the Pylotes in Spayne to London at the re-
quest of the testator by Indenture of covenantes. — 43s. 4d.

[Expenses of the funeral of sir Thos. Lovell, Knt. of the
garter, who died at his manor of Elsynges, in Endfield, Mid-
dlesex^ May 1524, paid by his executors. I. S. Brewer.—
Calendar Domestic and Foreign, Henry VIII. t. IV, Part. I,
p. 154, N.° 366.

XXXII.

Dispatches of Andrew Navagero, Ambassador to the Court of Spain
of July 21, 1524—28 October.— 207. Cod. Cicogna 1985.

Un altra armata di 28 vele pur per 1' Indie ma in

altra parte e in ordine in Siviglia et partira si come dicono fra
15 o 20 di della qual e Capitano un Sebastian Cabbotto Vene-
tiano, costui va per scoprir cose nove et ogni giorno di qua
fan maggior le speranze di queste Indie, et piu ii mettono
l'animo et credono all' ultimo haver anco le speranze per
quellabanda et con viaggio molto piu breve di quel che fece
la nave Vittoria. — Gratie etc. etc.

In Tolledo alii 21 di Settembre 1525.— p. 221, 222.

A bit of narrative at p. 933 Cod. Cicogna 1985.

delle nave spagnole ch'io intesi in Franza ch'erano arri-

vate all' isole di Brasil carghe de speciarie che potrian esser di
quelle che partirondi Siviglia con Sebastian Cabotto Vene-
tiano.

352 APPENDIX NO. 33.

XXXIII.

Extract from the Decades of Peter Martyr oV Anghiera on the pro-
posed voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the East Indies on Spain's ac-
count (1524).

Speramus fore ut Sebastianus Cabotus Baccalorum repertor,
cui circiter Kal. Septembris supplicanti, ex nostri Senatus
auctoritate permissa est ejus navigationis perquirendae potes-
tas? breviore tempore ac felicioribus avibus sit rediturus, quam
Victoria navis. . . . Quatuor navium classiculam, omnibus ad
rem maritimam facientibus et commodis tormentorum vasis
paratam, ab Caesareo aerario Cabotus poposcit, socios ait se
reperisse Hispali, quae Sebilla dicitur, commerciorum omnium
Jndicorum emporio, qui sub spe magni lucri, ad classiculae
commeatum et caetera necessaria, ducatorum decern millium
sua sponte summam obtulerint. Ad ofFerendam participum
sociorum obligationem circiter idus Septembris a nobis dim-
issus est Cabotus. . .

Est Cabotus Augusto mense proximo anni MDXXV disces-
surus, nee citius quidem, quia nee prius queunt ad rem tantam
necessaria parari, nee per coelorum cursus debet prius illud
iter inchoari : oportet quippe tunc versus aequinoctium vela
dirigere quando sol aestatem nobis et dierum longitudinem
ablaturus, ad Antictones penetrare incipiat .... Quo tempore
brevissimi sunt apud populos Arctoos dies, longissimos Cabo-
tus assequetur. Commode propterea littora percurret ilia
donee flexuoso Magagliano freto. . . . traiecto, in dextram a
tergo nostri putati continentis. . . .proras diriget, perque Capri -
corni zonam ad aequatorem regredietur, in quo spacio insu-
larum numerum reperiet innumerum, sitarum in ea pelagi vas-
titate : benevole namque agendum est, ac sine vi aut injuria
ulla tractandum, et blanditiis muneribusque allicientur. De-
cern namque ducatorum millia quae Cabotus a sociis est ha-
biturus ad id negocii sunt oxpendendaut commeatus ad bien-
nium comparentur, et stipendia viris centum quinquaginta
praebeantur, reliqua pars m mercimoniis quae grata msulari-

APPENDIX NO. 34. 353

bus fore cognoverint .... His pelustratis et prudenti diligen-
tia pertractatis, nostri putati continents latus australe uni-
versum abradent.

Dec. VII, cap. 6, p. 797— Parisiis, MDLXXXVIL

XXXIV.

Abstract of the Probanda of Catharine Vasquez in her suit
against Sebastian Cabot*

I Interrogatory. Whether the witnesses know the parties
concerned in the suit.

Answer. Yes.

II Int. Whether they know of the expedition led by Sebas-
tian Cabot.

Ans. Yes.

Here follow the witnesses' names and surnames num-
bered in order. Thereafter they are spoken of by their num-
bers as First, Second, etc.

III Int. Whether Martin Mendez was appointed Lieuten-
ant-General in the command of the expedition.

Ans. Yes

IV Int. Whether they know that, before his appointment, Se-
bastian Cabot, at his wife's suggestion, had determined to give
that position to Michael Rojas.

None of the witnesses can answer.

V Int. Whether they know that, upon the appointment of
Martin Mendez, Cabot, his wife, and Rifos conceived a violent
enmity towards him; whether Medrano tried even to have
him killed ; whether Cabot was ruled by the advice and wishes
of his wife.

Ans. The i witness answers the three questions in the af-

* In this and the following abstracts, scrupulous attention has been paid to
rendering the sense of the text as exactly as possible.

23

354 * APPENDIX NO. 34.

firmative. The vi affirmatively to the first : has no knowl-
edge as to the other two.

The vii affirmatively to the first on the credit of others;
is silent on the second ; the third is true in his opinion.

The ix and xi are of the affirmative opinion as to the
third, silent as to the other two.

VI Int. Whether Martin Mendez, just as the expedition
was about to sail, perceiving Cabot's ill-will towards him,
took his things and left the ship and went to Seville to com-
plain to the Council of the Indies.

Ans. The i witness saw Mendez go away, and heard that
he went to complain to the Council of the Indies, and that the
Council encouraged him to return to his post.

The ix deposes the same.

The xi saw him go, but does not know why he went.

VII Int. Whether the Council of the Indies, summoning
Cabot and Rifos, severely reproved them, and threatened the
latter if he interfered in the duties belonging to the Lieuten-
ant-General.

Ans. The vi and ix affirm it, but on the report of others.

VIII Int. Whether Martin Mendez returned to embark
upon the urging and promises of the President of the Coun-
cil.

Ans. The vi witness believes it must have been so, because
Mendez had been at the Moluccas before, and the merchants
had manifested their confidence in him.

The ix says so from hearsay.

IX Int. Whether as soon as Cabot sailed he set Mendez
wholly aside, and entrusted Rifos with all that belonged
to the Lieutenant.

Ans. The five witnesses called all confirm this more or less
fully.

X Int. Whether Sebastian Cabot arrested Mendez without
just cause.

Ans. The i and xi confirm it fully.

The iii and viii know of the arrest, but cannot say whether
there was just cause for it or not.

The vi and vii know of the arrest, but as to its justice they

APPENDIX NO. U. 355

confine themselves to saying that they saw him do nothing
that deserved it.

XI Int. Whether Martin Mendez, when arrested insisted on
a trial ; whether Cabot made any reply to his demand.

Ans. The i confirms it of his own knowledge.

The ii from hearsay.

The vi confirms it, adding on hearsay that Cabot resented
the demand.

The vii, ix, and x confirm the first part ; are silent or
know nothing of the second.

XII Int. Whether Mendez posted his demand for a trial on
the ship's mast, so that all should know of it.

Ans. Five witnesses were called and all answer affirmatively.

XIII Int. Whether Captain Caro presented Mendez's de-
mand to Cabot, and Cabot answered with bad words.

Ans. The i has heard say so.

The ii knows of the presenting, but not of the answer.
The vi knows of the presenting, it seems to him ; but does
not well remember the fact of the answer.

XIV Int. Whether Martin Mendez made a protest before the
officers both of his demand and for damages arising out of his
arrest.

The i and vi confirm it fully.

The ii heard the protest spoken of, but knew not its contents.

The ix confirms it on hearsay.

The x does not remember, but it seems so to him.

XV Int. Whether the officers informed Cabot of the protest,
and he replied with bad words.

Ans. The ii confirms the first part on hearsay ; varies the
second saying he had heard that Cabot promised a trial when
they came to the River De Solis.

The vi confirms it fully, adding that he and other officers
tried to put in a word in favor of Mendez.

XVI Int. About the deposing of Mendez and Rojas at the
Island of Saint Catharine, and whether the island is only
peopled by Indians.

Ans. The vi saw the prisoners delivered to an Indian, and
knows no more.

356 APPENDIX NO. 34.

The ix knows by what others said that the prisoners were
recommended to an Indian.

XVIII Int. Whether it is true that Mendez, when they
were taking him ashore, protested that Cabot deposed him for
a report he was preparing against him for the Emperor ; and
whether he was deposed in order that Rifos might have the
post of Lieutenant.

Ans. The i confirms Rifos's appointment ; that is all he
knows.

The ii confirms the appointment of Rifos ; as to the rest,
says he had heard that Mendez complained that Cabot had
seized a letter which he wrote to the Emperor.

The x confirms it.

XIX Int. Whether at the Isle of Patos Mendez wrote a let-
ter to the Emperor against Cabot, and it was seized.

No answer.

XX Int. Whether Mendez had often warned Cabot that he
was not taking the course for the Moluccas, and that His Ma-
jesty would take offence.

No answer.

XXI Int. Whether on their return many urged Cabot
to land at Saint Catharine to take the prisoners on board, and
he Refused.

No answer.

XXII Int. Whether Mendez and Rodas died on that
island in consequence of their abandonment.

Ans. The i answers Yes, because they were drowned
in trying to escape from the island, and they would not
have tried to escape if Cabot had not left them there.

The other witnesses, the vi, vii, viii, ix, x, and xi depose to
the fact of the death, but are silent on the rest.

XXIII Int. On the value of the things belonging to Mar-
tin Mendez which he had on board, and whether Cabot took
possession of every thing.

Ans. The vi, vii, viii, and x know of the things brought
on board, but nothing else.

The ix knows of the things brought on board, but cannot
tell their value : has heard tell the third point.

APPENDIX NO. 34, 357

The x and xi saw that there were many things brought on
board, but know no more.

XXIV Int. Of Martin Mendez's emoluments.

Ans. The answer of the witnesses is given in general, what
they have heard.

XXV Int. How old Mendez was when set ashore on the
island.

Ans. All the witnesses answer giving their opinion from
his looks.

XXVI Int. Let the witnesses declare whether, if Mendez
had lived and kept his office of Lieutenant, the expedition
would have continued on its voyage, and not have lost so
many men.

Ans. The i, vii, and ix say yes.

The vi says he cannot, because there were other officers on
the expedition with as much authority, and they were unable
to prevent what happened.

The viii can only say they would have done much better
if they had gone to the Moluccas.

XXVII Int. Two sums are proposed, and the witnesses
are asked if they believe that if they had reached the
Moluccas the Emperor would have gained the first and Mar-
tin Mendez the second.

Ans. The ii, vii, ix, x, and xi recognize that much would
have been gained, but cannot say ho w much.

The vi speaks of the dangers of the navigation, that the
result is in God's hands. But granted that they reached the
Moluccas, the Emperor and Mendez would have gained much.

XXVIII Int. As to the value of the things brought
aboard belonging to Martin's brother Ferdinand Mendez, and
whether Cabot took possession of all.

Ans. The i confirms it.

The vi, vii, viii, ix and xi know that they were many, but
cannot tell their value ; they know nothing of the second part.

XXIX fnt. Whether Catharine Vasquez is the mother of
Martin Mendez.

Ans. Yes.

XXX Int. is spoilt. But it is understood to ask about the

358 APPENDIX NO. 35.

death of Ferdinand Mendez, Martin's brother, whether it was
caused by his brother's imprisonment.

Ans. The i cannot say of his own knowledge, but has
heard it spoken of as something certain.

The ix knows of the death, but not the cause of it.

XXXI Int. Whether Cabot tried to poison Ferdinand
Mendez.

No answer.

XXXII Int. On the same subject, whether at least the
fleet spoke of such poisoning.

No answer.

xxxv.

Interrogatories presented by Francis de Rojas at Ooana, November

% 1530.

I Int. Whether the witnesses know Captain de Rojas and
Sebastian Cabot ; and know of the expedition whicli
sailed under command of the latter towards the Moluccas.

II Int. Whether they know that Rojas is of a noble
family and of known worth, and Cabot is a foreigner, an un-
known person, unfit for the command of a fleet, or any other
office, etc.

III Int. Whether those who fitted out the fleet discover-
ing Cabot's incompetency, wanted to appoint Rojas to the
post of Captain of the expedition, and that this was the cause
of Cabot's hatred of him.

IV Int. Whether the main object of the expedition was to
reach the Islands of Ophir and Tarshish, etc.

V Int. Whether when Cabot was bound to give the course
of the voyage at the Canaries according to the Emperor's or-
ders, and did not give it, Rojas persistently demanded it, and
Cabot refused, adding disrespectful words about the Emperor.

VI Int. Whether Cabot at the Island of Palma seized the let-
ters of many who were writing to the Emperor against him,

APPENDIX NO. 35. 359

and did the same again at Pernambuco and on the Parana,
and from this conceived a bitter hatred for Rojas.

VII Int. Whether in the latitude of the Cape Verde Islands
he altered his course a quarter to the north-west, which took
him to Cape Saint Augustine in the Province of Pernambuco ;
where the Portuguese, wTho were there, to divert him from the
voyage to the Moluccas, told him wronders about the wealth
found on the Plata, trusting which tales he decided to alter the
purpose of the voyage and stop at the Plata.

VIII Int. Whether Rojas opposed changing the voyage,
showing that the Portuguese only wanted to keep him from
going to the Moluccas.

IX Int. Whether, in consequence of Rojas's opposition,
Cabot, in order to have his hands free, tried to have him
killed, and the attempt failing, issued process against him,
without giving him a hearing, suborning witnesses, &c.

X Int. Whether on pretext of this process he kept him
some days a prisoner, and for all the insistance Rojas made,
never told him the reason why he was held in arrest.

XI Int. Whether after keeping him for some days in arrest
on board of Caro's vessel, he had him taken to his own ship
where Rojas heard others say he had been imprisoned on
false charges, and that Cabot ought to punish him if guilty or
punish the others as slanderers.

XII Int. Whether in spite of the remonstrances of Rojas
Cabot left Pernambuco with the intention of stopping at the
Plata, and stopped at the Island of Patos to take off some
Christians who were there, and get information from them
concerning that river.

XIII Int. Whether at the Island of Patos, some Christians
from D. Rodrigo da Acunha's ship said that Loaysa's squad-
ron was lost in Magellan Strait, and Cabot showed satisfaction,
boasting of the coming victory of his own expedition.

XIV Int. Whether at these base words of Cabot, Rojas
answered regretting them, and insisted that they should
continue the voyage and relieve Loaysa.

XV Int. Whether on the stranding of the flag-ship Cabot
basely abandoned it at once, and after him the rest were de-

360 APPENDIX NO. 35.

moralized, and so the ship was lost when it might have been
saved.

XVI Int. Whether on the contrary Francis de Rojas
came forward and used every means and saved the crew and
most of the stores.

XVII Int. Of the zeal of Rojas in caring for and helping
those that fell sick.

XVIII Int. Whether in consequence of this zeal of Rojas
and the affection of all towards him, Cabot through envy be-
came more hostile to him.

XIX Int. Whether out of this envy Cabot imprisoned
him again, and would not tell him the reason, nor give him
a trial, notwithstanding his demands and the constitution
established by H. M.

XX Int. Whether, at the time of sailing from Patos, Cabot
had Rojas and Mendez abandoned on that island.

XXI Int. Of the protest made by Mendez while they were
abandoning him.

XXII Int. Whether the inhabitants of the island where
Rojas was deserted eat human flesh, and had already killed and
eaten several Christians, and Cabot left him there for that
purpose and gave him as a slave to one of the principal
Indians of the island.

XXIII Int. Whether Rojas underwent great suffering and
peril on that island.

XXIV Int. Whether by continuing the voyage the ex-
pedition would have procured for the Emperor a profit
of not less than two millions, even if they had only brought
back a cargo of spices.

XXV Int. Whether Rojas by continuing that voyage
would have gained ten thousand crowns.

XXVI Int. Whether all that is here asked is not the
public voice and rumor.

WITNESSES.

The same day, November 2, 1530, that Rojas presented his
Interrogatories, he also offered Anthony de Montoya a cit-

APPENDIX tfo. 36. 361

izen of Lepe, as a witness to his charges, and his deposition is
annexed to the charges of the Interrogatories. But the chan-
cellor before signing the deposition, records that the presen-
tations of other witnesses follow after, "despues siguen las
presentaciones de otros testigos ;" but their names or surnames
are not given.

In the Proofs of both Catharine Vasquez and Sebastian
Cabot, the depositions of the witnesses follow each interroga-
tory. Why is it not so here ? For my part, seeing that many
of the accusations of Rojas are shown by a light as bright as
noon-day to be pure slanders, I suspect that the matter is
not altogether clear : that is to say, that Rojas presented at
once that single witness whose testimony he was sure of ; and
as to the rest that he handed in a list of names, but in fact no
others were called to testify.

Then as to the single witness heard, the abstract of his evi-
dence is quickly given by saying that he not only confirms all
the charges, but most frequently in the very words of the ac-
cusation ; so that the chancellor of the court when at the be-
ginning of each question he had substituted "dijo" for "Si
saben," it was only necessary in most instances to copy the
rest.

XXXVI.

Abstract of Sebastian Cabot's Probanda in the suit brought against
him by Catharine Vasquez.

I Int. Whether the witnesses know the persons implicated
in this suit.

Ans. Yes.

II Int. Whether they know of the expedition conducted by
Sebastian Cabot.

Ans. Yes. Here follow the names and surnames of the
witnesses with their numbers. Afterwards the record gives only
their number.

III Int. Whether they know that Martin Mendez, Rojas, and
other officers met at Seville, and took an oath to unite always

362 APPENDIX NO. 36.

against Cabot, and to depose him and make Rojas Captain.

Ans. The i heard it publicly stated.

The viii has heard talk of disagreement between Mendez
and Rojas on one side and Cabot on the other, that the former
had labored with the organizers of the expedition to have
Rojas put in command: knows no more.

The ix has heard of the meeting and the oath, but was not
told why.

The x has heard of the meeting and of the agreement
to kill Cabot and put Rojas in his place. He was also told that
a sailor had attempted Cabot's life, and every one believed he
acted on behalf of the conspirators ; he had also heard that
Rojas said that he would have killed Cabot at the Rio
De Solis.

IV Int. Whether they know that at the Canaries the Seville
conspirators met again and conspired with Alonzo de Santa
Cruz.

Ans. The i has heard it publicly spoken of.

The vi saw the persons named assembled with Santa Cruz
who was sick, but does not know for what.

The vii has heard it spoken of.

The ix has heard the meeting talked of, but was not
told what it was for.

V Int. Whether they know that Cabot was a learned person
and better informed on matters of the sea than any one else
and on this account was placed at the head of the expedition:
and that he took no step without first consulting the captains
and officers.

Ans. All the eleven witnesses confirm this fully, some with
lively sentiments of admiration, and also giving particulars.

VI Int. Whether Cabot at the Island of Saint Catharine
sent Michael de Rodas and Anthony de Grajeda to sound the
bottom of the sea.

Ans. The four witnesses called all confirm it.

VII Int. Whether the said Rodas and Grajeda reported
they had taken soundings and that there was plenty of water
for the ships.

Ans. Nine witnesses fully confirm it.

APPENDIX NO. 36. 363

VIII Int. Whether the flag-ship was lost from not taking
proper soundings.

Ans. The i witness confirms the fact and relates the de-
spair of Rodas.

The ii, iii, v, vi, vii, and ix confirm it.

The x confirms it, adding the bluster of Rodas before
the accident.

IX Int. Whether they know that great quantities of pro-
visions, rigging, arms, &c, the best they had for the ex-
pedition, were lost with the flag-ship.

Ans. Eight witnesses confirm it of their own knowledge, •
having belonged to the ship, and one on hearsay.

The x, who belonged also to the same ship, estimates the loss
at two thirds of all that the expedition had ; and for what was
saved he gives the credit to Cabot's orders and energy.

X Int. Whether they know that many of the expedition
died from the length of the voyage because they were not
used to the sea, from the climate, etc.

Ans. The i testifies that many died of fever at the Island of
Saint Catharine.

The ii, iii, iv, v, and vil confirm it.

The vi confirms it and adds the River de Solis to the Island
of Saint Catharine, and hunger to fever, and that many were
killed by Indians.

The viii confirms it, and says that every one, or nearly
every one, was taken sick.

The ix confirms it, and explains that many died from the
long navigation, change of climate, land, food, etc., as he
has seen on the other voyages.

The x confirms it, and says that every one was sick, some
died on the island, others on the voyage.

XI Int. Whether the inhabitants of the Island of St. Cath-
arine and its neighborhood were friendly, and whether they
found there many Christians from D. Rodrigo da Acunha's
ship.

Ans. Eight witnessess fully confirm it.

XII Int. Whether Cabot was unable to continue the
voyage after the loss of the flag-ship, because it was the half

304 APPENDIX NO. a^.

of the expedition, and because all the men were sud-
denly taken sick at that place.

Ans. The i confirms it, adding the great deal that was told
them of the wealth of La Plata.

The iii only knows of the great number taken sick

The iv knows of many sick, and the loss of victuals, and
no more.

The v confirms it.

The vi, viii, and ix know of the loss of victuals, and of the
many sick, but no more.

The vii confirms it, and derives his conviction from
the fact that the few that escaped the sickness were not
enough to work the ships.

The x confirms it, repeating that about two thirds of
all that was in the ships was lost with the flag-ship.

XIII Int. Whether Cabot landed at Pernambuco in conse-
quence of foul weather, and the same weather drove him back
when he tried to depart.

Ans. The i confirms it, deposing that they tried three times
to leave there and were always driven back again.
The other nine confirm the question.

XIV Int. Whether they know that the foul weather lasted
three months

Ans. The witnesses confirm it.

XV Int. Whether they know that at the time of this rest
Cabot arrested Francis Rojas and Martin Mendez for the war
they had made on him, and were every day making with his
men ; and whether it is true that they wanted to revolt and
kill Cabot.

Ans. The i knows of the arrest, public report said they
wanted to revolt, that he afterwards saw them set free "and in
the same power as before.

The ii, iv, v, viii, and ix only know of the arrest.

The iii and vii know of the arrest : it was a public rumor
that they meant to revolt.

The x knows of the arrest ; public report confirms what is
in the question.

The vi knows nothing, now hears it spoken of for the first

APPENDIX NO. 36. 365

time ; he saw them serving well and faithfully, and heard
others say so.

XVI Int. Whether Cabot at Pernambuco released Francis
de Rojas and restored him to the command of the Trinidad,
admonishing him, etc.

Ans. The i, ii, iii, vii, and viii confirm it.

The iv, v, and x know of the release and return to com-
mand, not of the admonition.

The ix testifies to the restoration to freedom, heard the rest
from public report.

XVII Int. Whether at St. Catharine Cabot stopped to
build a galiot by agreement with the officers, in order to load
it with what was saved from the loss of the flag-ship.

Ans. The i, ii, iii, iv, v, vii, viii, and ix confirm all.

The vi confirms the building of the galiot, infers the agree-
ment from the harmony between the officers and Cabot,

The x confirms the building, infers the agreement,
; XVIII Int. Whether at the Island of St. Catharine two
men were found who had been with Captain de Soils, and
whether they urged going to the river discovered by De
Solis, asserting that one of their companions had gone there,
and brought away a great quantity of gold and silver.

Ans. The ten witnesses called fully confirm the matter.

XIX Int. Whether the expedition stopped at the River
de Solis by agreement of all the officers.

Ans. The i, ii, iii, v, vii, viii, and ix confirm it.

The iv confirms it, adding that Cabot did nothing without
first agreeing with the officers.

The vi confirms it, but remembers that Rojas opposed it,

The x confirms it, giving also what some of the officers said
of the wealth they should find at the River de Solis.

XX Int. Whether on leaving the Bay of St. Catharine, about
all the men were sick, and in consequence of sickness unable
to follow.

Ans. The i says many were sick when they left there,
many died at the entrance of the river, where they stopped; that
the officers held council with Cabot, and it was decided to
leave the sick there, and continue the exploration of the river
with the rest.

366 VPPENDIX NO. 36.

The ii, iii, iv, v, vi, viii, ix, and x all confirm it, some adding
also the want of food, and the extreme weakness of all.

XXI Int. Whether in consequence of the sickness and
extreme weakness they were obliged to abandon two anchors
which they could not draw from the bottom of the river

Ans. Nine witnesses confirm it.

XXII Int. Whether they remained on the River Parana more
than half a year waiting for the convalescents to recover, and
in the meantime many of them died.

Ans. The i, ii, iii, iv, v, and vii fully confirm it.

The vi knows they remained some time on the Parana, but
does not know how long; remembers one death, no more.

The ix knows that some died, but does not know that they
were so many; and does not remember how long they remained
there.

The x knows that some died, but does not know as they
were so many ; they remained there half a year, a little more
or less.

XXIII Int. Whether at the Island of St.Catharine, Cabot
found sufficient proof that Francis Rojas, Martin Mendez,
and Michael de Rodas were raising the men up against him,
and having this proof brought them to trial, and although
they deserved death, changed this punishment to deposition.

Ans. The ii, iii, iv, and v only know of the deposition.

The viii knows of the deposition but not of the reason ;
but he saw, while the men were ashore, the sails of the
caravel hoisted, and heard afterwards that it was an attempt
at revolt.

The ix saw witnesses called to give evidence against
Rojas and his companions ; knows no more.

The x knows of the deposition, heard say that it was for an
attempt to revolt.

XXIV Int. Whether Cabot left the three deposed officers
well provided with food and arms ; and whether he rec-
ommended them to the principal Indians for good treatment,

Ans. The i knows of the provisions of his own knowledge,
of the recommendation by hearsay.
The ii knows both on hearsay.

APPENDIX NO. 36. 367

The iii confirms both of his own knowledge.

The iv confirms both on hearsay.

The v, vi, vii, and x confirm both with some details.

The ix comfirms both, and adds particulars.

XXV Int. Whether they know that Francis de Rojas
stabbed Genoese Michael to death, and then tried to kill
Martin Mendez and Michael de Rodas, who fled from
him in consequence and went towards Port San Vincente
where there were many Portuguese, but were drowned on the
way.

Ans. The i, ii, iii, and v have heard it spoken of at the Isl-
and of St. Catharine itself.

The vi gives various details of the quarrel between the
three officers, and of the reason why Rojas killed the Genoese ;
he does not know that Rojas also threatened the two others.

The ix and x confirm it with many particulars.

XXVI Int. Whether they know that Cabot executed two
men who revolted and tried to induce others to revolt ; that
one of them used his power to the injury of the Indians, who
revolted, and Cabot had much to do to quiet them.

Ans. The i confirms it, relating that he had also heard that
they meant to kill Cabot.

The ii, iii, and v confirm it.

The vi makes a long deposition with most interesting de-
tails, on the hunger they endured, the desertion of the two
Christians, their arrest, death, etc.

The viii confirms it, making likewise a deposition very
rich in details.

The x confirms and gives further details.

XXVII Int. Whether Lieutenant Calderon had the ears
cut off a sailor found stealing, and who fled inland.

Ans. The nine witnesses called all confirm it.

XXVIII Int. Of Cabot's care in governing the expedition.
Ans. The i, ii, iii, iv, ix, and x confirm it.

The vi and viii confirm it, adding important details.

XXIX Int. Whether Cabot treated the Indians well, and
would not suffer them to be ill-treated.

Ans. Nine witnesses confirm it.

368 APPENDIX NO. 36.

XXX Int. Whether they know that John de Junco (treas-
urer of the expedition on the Santa Maria ) is one of Cabot's
principal enemies, and was one of the conspirators against
him at Seville.

Ans. The vi, on the contrary, found them always friendly,
knows nothing of the conspiracy.

The ix, from what he has seen him doing against Cabot
since their return, concludes that he hates him.

The x believes the enmity, but explains that it was because
Cabot had often reproved him for ill-treating the sailors, and
because once, when he found him threatening to kill a smith,
Cabot told him if he did, he would soon kill him, and he is
strengthened in his opinion by the fact that, as soon as they
arrived in Spain, Junco talked with the officers of the Contra-
tacion, and Cabot was arrested immediately afterwards.

XXXI Int. Whether Alonzo Bueno is Cabot's enemy because
he had been often punished by him for keeping a public
gaming-place, being a blasphemer, and selling necessaries to
sailors at an exorbitant price.

Ans. The i confirms the facts, and infers from them the
enmity, and gives the names of the four officers who had
the most influence in procuring Cabot's arrest.

Theii, iii, v, vi, and viii, confirm the facts.

The ix since returning to Spain has seen the said Alonzo
doing Cabot all the harm possible, and therefore judges him
to be his enemy.

The x confirms it fully, mentioning also other faults of
Alonzo.

XXXII Int. Whether Santa Cruz is Cabot's enemy, so de-
clared, and one of the conspirators against him.

Ans. The ix confirms the enmity from the facts, has heard
that he was one of the conspirators.
The x confirms it.

XXXIII Int. Whether Gasmirez is Cabot's enemy because
punished by him for speaking ill of the Emperor.

Ans. The viii confirms it.

The x, from what he has seen him do against Cabot, infers
that he is his enemy.

APPENDIX NO. 36. 369

I Additional Int. Whether they know that Ferdinand
Mendez, Martin's brother, died a natural death, like many
others on the Island of St. Catharine, before Cabot deposed his
brother Martin, and whether there is at that place abundance
of food, and whether Cabot treated said Ferdinand perfectly
well.

Ans. The iii and v confirm it all, except that they say
nothing as to whether Ferdinand died before his brother
Martin was deposed.

The iv confirms it on hearsay.

The vi confirms all fully.

The vii and x confirm it.

The ix confirms it with additional circumstances.

II Add. Int. Whether, while they were going to the Par-
aguay, Cabot sent a band of men in search of food, they all
returned but one, and he sent twice to look for him, with all
possible diligence, and wanted to continue the search, till the
officers insisted on departing in order not to die of famine.

Ans. The iv, v, and ix confirm the first part fully,

The vi and x confirm the whole.

The viii confirms it with many particulars.

After the proceedings of the trial, at the end, are recorded :

A. An information presented to the Casa de Contratacion
by Catharine Vasquez, August 2, 1530.

B. Another information taken by Sebastian Cabot on board
of ship July 2, 1528. It is there said that the order for the
arrest of the three officers who were deposed, was based on
this information.

C. A third information taken by the Casa de Contratacion
to ascertain what was done on the voyage and what was dis-
covered on land. This information was taken without inter-
rogatories, July 28, 1530.

D. There is also a record of some opinions wrhich Cabot at
the harbor of San Salvador asked of some of the officers about
a voyage to ....(?); a record presented by Cabot for his de-
fence, those officers having all said that the voyage ought not
to be made. These opinions were taken October 6, 1529.

E. Another summary information presented by Cabot to

370 APPENDIX NO. 37.

show by whose fault the fort of San Espiritu in the port of
San Salvador was captured. The capture was October 12, 1529.
F. Another summary information taken at Cabot's request
before the ordinary court at Seville, August 7, 1530.

XXXVII.

i

Extract from the Letter of Luis Ramirez,

Despues de una breve introduccion en que indica el objeto
que se propuso al escribirla, refiere como salieron de la bahia
de San Lucar a 3 de Abril de 1526.* Detienense en la isla de
Palma para proveerse de agua y lefia y atraversando el cenador
llegaron a Pernambuco por Junio del mismo afio. — Alii se de-
tubieron algun tiempo para proveerse de lo necesario e infor-
marse de la tierra, cuyos productos sefiala, describiendo tam-
bien las costumbres barbaras de sus habitantes. Al poco tiempo
ie haber salido de este puerto (29 de Setiembre) sufrieron una
horrorosa tormenta en que perecio el batel de la nao capitana,
teniendo que detenerse junto a una gran montafia donde habia
madera para la construccion del nuevo batel. Estando en esto
llegaron indios en canoas, y dieronles a entender que habia por
alii algunos cristianos, de los cuales en efecto llego al dia si-
guiente uno que dia noticia al capitan general de otros varios
hasta quinze que estaban alii desde la derrota sufrida por la ar-
matade Loaisa, iendo a las islas de especerie. Otros dos espa-
noles habia alii por nombre Melchor Ramirez y Enrique Mon-
tes, los cuales inform aron al capitan de la gran riqueza de la
tierra y de como saliendo del rio de Solis y entrando por el
Paraguay llegaron a dar con una sierra abundante en ore,
plata y otros metallos con los que podrian llenar las naves.
Pideles el general alguna muestra de aquel oro y plata, y
refieren como habiendo estado cerca de la sierra algunos de

* The original has 1536 which does not accord with the other facts of the
narrative (Note a44ed to the abstract).

APPENDIX NO. 37. 371

sus companeros a ver al rey Blanco, pudieron observar las
prendas de oro que Uevaban los indios traidas de la misma
sierra, y que habiendo querido volver a aquel sitio fueron
asaltados de los guaranis para arrebatarles los esclavos que
traian cargados del metal ; y que por esto, como por haber
mandado a Espaila poco antes hasta dos arrobas de oro (que
al fin se perdieron) no conservaban mas que unas cuentas que
tenian reservadas par la V. de Guadalupe unico objeto de oro
que presentaron. A la oferta que ellos hicieron de acompafi-
arle contesto el capitan que no era aquel su camino. Habiendo
perdido la nao capitana retiranse a un monte para construir
una galeota en la cual y en la provision de viveres fueron muy
ayudados de los indios, gracias a las diligencias de Enrique
Montes que los conocia. Refiere en seguida algunas de las
costumbres del pais con sus productos y las enfermedades que
hubieron de sufrir a este sitio a causa da ser malsano. Sa-
lieron deste puerto que llamaron de Sta Catalina el 15 de Fe-
brero de 1527 llegando despues de seis dias a Sta Maria
puerto a la desembocadura del rio de Solis(La Plata). Senala
la magnitud del rio y cuenta los muchos trabajos que pasaron
hasta llegar a un puerto que llamaron de S. Lazaro donde se
detubieron un mes para informarse de la tierra. — Un tal
Francisco del Puerto, cautivo desde la derrota de Solis les
entera de la mucha riqueza del pais y del camino que deban
seguir para dar con la referida sierra. Con esto el capitan de-
termine salir de alii el 6 de Mayo no sin dejar alguna gente
pare la guarda de la hacienda que en aquel sitio quedaba.
Unos y otros padecen muchos trabajos y hambres, hasta que
el general manda la galeota para conducir la gente y hacienda
de S. Lazaro, de donde salieron el 25 de Agosto para llegar el
28 al nuovo sitio donde el general habia hecho asiento y una
fortaleza para la defensa. — Habla luego de las diversas tribus
comarcanas, sus costumbres, productos de la tierra etc., etc. . . .
y como segun informacion de los mismos indios el camino
mas breve para ir a la sierra, era entrar por el Paraguay.
Continuan pues el viaje dejando la fortaleza a cargo de Greg-
orio Caro y llegan a la isla Ano nuevo este mismo dia (1528).
Desde aqui mando el cap. gen. a Miguel Rifos con 35 hombres

372 APPENDIX NO. 87.

para apaciguar y castigar a los tribus que trataban de re-
belarse contra ellos. Consignase la completa victoria y el rico
botin que adquirieron, y la rara costumbre que las indias
tienen de cortarse un dedo a la muerte de sus hijos. — Du-
rante este viaje encontraron varias tribus cuyas costumbres se
describen y tampoco faltaron hambres por la escasez de
viveres. Llegan por fin a abocarse con el Paraguay por el cual
se encaminan, y en el que los trabajos y el hambre se du-
plican, a causa de haberseles concluido por completo los
viveres ; viendose precisados a comer los animales mas
inmundos y las plant-as mas agrestes. Para remediar tan
urgente necesidad manda el capitan un vergantin a todo remo
en busca de bastimentos a unos caserios bastante distantes,
volviendo al poco tiempo bien provisto. Con esto pudieron
llegar a dicho pueblo que se hallaba regido por un indio
principal llamado Jaquaron, el cual lesrecibio muy bieny les
provego de abundantes viveres. En este puerto que recibio el
nombre de S. Ana estubieron algunos dias y corao vieron que
los indios llevaban orejeras y planchas de oro y plata, quisi-
eron saber de donde lo traien asi los de este pueblo como los
de otro inmediato a donde se mando a Fr. co del Puerto. —
Este pudo averiguar que los chandules (pueblo distaute 60 6
70 leguas), se lo daban en cambio de otros objetos. Determina
el general continuar el viaje hasta los mismos chandules, que
segun decia se hallaban cercanos a la sierra. — Pueblos que
fueron descubriendo por la ribera del rio. El cap. gen. manda
un vergantin delante para que descubre la boca del rio Ne-
petin que segun los indios significaba barriento por el color de
sus aguas, el cual traia su origen. segun los mismos, de la
referida sierra. Tratan de celebrar paces con el pueblo de los
agales, y al principio son bien recibidos, pero como temiesen
los indios ser castigados por las muertes que antes habian he-
cho, matan traidoramente al teniente del vergantin Miguel
Rifos con algunos mas, volviendo los restantes tristes a la ga-
leota, que les habia seguido desde lejos y con dificultades por
las condiciones especiales del rio. El desgraciado exito de esta
espedicion y el saber que andaba una armada portuguesa en el
rio Solis fueron motivos para que el general deter minase vol-

At>i>fiNDiX NO. 38. 373

verse rio abajo hasta el Parana donde encontraron otra ar-
mada del Emperador, cuyo capitan Diego Garcia de Moguer
trato de unirse a nuestra armada para volver bien pertrecha-
dos a la dicha sierra ; pero al fin no hubo convenio entre am-
bos generates, siguiendo cada cual rumbo distinto. Viendose
indecisos mandan a Espana a Nersi Calderon y Royel Barco
con una carabela y algunos presentes de oro y platn, para
que expongan a S. M. las necesidades de la armada y mande
proveer lo necesario. Desde S. Salavdor a el rio Solis a 10 de
Julio de 1528.

Luis Ramirez.

XXXVIII.

Abstract of the Narrative which Diego Garcia made of his voyage
to the Plata in 1526.

On the 15th of January, 1526, 1 sailed from Cape Finisterre,
which lies in 43°, and from there sailed towards the Canaries,
which are .... * leagues from Cape Finisterre, we passed
by Madeira, which lies in 32°, 30', on the other side of which
at. . . .* stands Porto Santo, and ten leagues from Madeira
there is an island which is called Deserta. There we came
to the Island of Palma, which lies at 29°, and at the Canaries
we took on what we needed for our voyage, for we came from
Corunna without supplies, and we left there the first of Septem-
ber, because in the middle of September the sun begins to
bring the summer in the places we were going to, and every
one sailing to those parts, ought to sail at this season — f *' and
this navigation Sebastian Cabot did not know enough to
make, with all his astronomy, and took the contrary like
a man who . . . . " \ and we took the direction of the Cape
Verde Islands, and from the Canaries to these islands it is 250

* The text is illegible. Many such breaks are found in the narrative.

t Literal translation of the text. t The text is illegible.

374 APPENDIX NO. 38.

leagues, at the Island of Buona Vista we took on a fresh sup-
ply of provisions.

( Here he tells the geographical position of the differ-
ent islands of the Cape Verde group, and mentions the art-
icles of their commerce ).

From the Island of Buona Vista we made sail towards
Cape St. Augustin which is 8° and a sixth beyond the equi-
noctial line, and this course has to be sailed with great
care and knowledge of seamanship, for there are strong
currents running from the Gulf of Guinea * " and these cur-
rents Sebastian Cabot did not know how to take, for he was
not a seaman, and did not know navigation." From the
Cape Verde Islands to Cape St. Augustin it is 500 leagues
across.

( Here he touches on the difficulty of this crossing on
account of the currents. )

From there we passed to Cape Frio, which is at 23 degrees
and I on the side of the south, where the sun makes the long-
est day on the 13th of December, and from Cape St. Augustin
to Cape Frio is fifty leagues, and at seventeen degrees there
is a bay which is called All-Saints', and all the coast
from Cape St. Augustin to Cape Frio is inhabited by a bad
race that eat human flesh and go naked, and from this bay to
Cape Formoso at twenty-two degrees there are many
rocks and sand-banks. We found there an island not marked
on any chart, which we reserved for recognition till our 'return.
From there we wTent for fresh supplies for the ships to
the Bay of St. Vincent which is in thirteen degrees, wThere
a certain bachelor and his son-in-law have been living
thirty years, and wre remained there till the 15th of Janu-
ary of the next year, 1527, and wTe obtained there a great sup-
ply of fresh meat and fish and whatever we wanted. From
this bachelor's son-in-law I bought a brigantine and he
agreed to come with us as interpreter. And I bargained with
the bachelor and his son-in-law to let them have my big ship
to carry eight hundred slaves to Spain, and made the bargain

* Literal translation of the text.

APPENDIX NO. 38. 375

with the agreement of all my officers ; and it was agreed that
we should deliver the ship at the Rio de la Plata, because she
could not enter the river, and I had often told Don Ferdin-
and's auditor that this ship could not enter the river on account
of her size ; but they tried to make me load her with slaves, and
I did so, because they did not carry out His Majesty's orders,
that they should have given me what was agreed on in
the bargains ; and they did not give me the ship at the time
stipulated for, as they ought to have given me the ship
in September and they did not give it to me till the middle
of January.

We sailed from the Bay of St. Vincent in the middle of the
month of January of the said year, and reached Cape St.
Mary which is in thirty-four degrees and a half ; here is the
entrance to the Rio de la Plata, and from St. Vincent to
Cape St. Mary is two hundred and sixty-three leagues : *
"and going on our way we came to a river which is called the
Rio de Patos, which is in twenty-seven degrees and has
a good population who do much good work for the Christians
and are called Carriares, and here they gave us much food,
as millet, mandioco, meal &c, &c, for they were good Indians,
and it was here that Sebastian Cabot arrived dead with hunger
at the time while I was there, the Indians gave him food and
all that he and his men needed for their voyage, and when he
wanted to go where he was going he took four sons of the prin-
cipal persons there, and carried them to Spain, and has three
of them at Seville, which did harm to that harbor which was
the best and the people the best in those parts because he had
taken the sons of the principal men of the island."

Continuing our voyage we came to Cape St. Mary which
is as we have said at thirty-four degrees and a half and out-
side of the cape there is an island called de los Pargos, and
here we remained eight days waiting for our brigantine which
came behind. And further on the river forms an island which
is called La Palma, which gives good shelter for a few ships ;
and on all the coast around not an Indian was seen, but fur-

* Literal translation of the text.

376 APPENDIX NO. 38.

ther on there is a population called Charruaes who eat human
flesh and live by hunting and fishing. Here came our brigan-
tine and we went to the Island of Las Pietras seventy leagues
further on. Here we remained to put together the brigantine
which we were carrying in separate pieces, and after she was
equipped I began to ascend the river with her and after sail-
ing twenty-five leagues we came to a place where there were two
of Sebastian Cabot's ships, and Anthony de Grajeda was there
as a guard. * "He came against us with some Indian canoes and
an armed boat believing we were Rojas and Michael Rodas and
Martin Mendez coming to attack him, for he had left them on
an island abandoned among Indians, and we thought we
should have to fight supposing that he came to hurt us. But I
recognized him as Anthony de Grajeda, and we knew at once
that it was Sebastian Cabot's fleet, and we went with him to his
ships and he showed us great honor, and gave us news of his
Captain-general, and how he had received a letter that day in
which he informed him how he had killed more than four
hundred Indians, and was going with great victory further up
the river making war on the Indians. We went back to our
ships and with the approval of all my officers it was immedi-
ately agreed to send the ship out of the river because she was in
great danger from the strong winds blowing at that season in
the river, and let her go to take in the cargo of slaves of the
said bachelor who had charterd her for Spain, and would carry
the news how Sebastian Caboto was doing on the river." And
the (big) ship went to St. Vincent, and the others joined Sebas-
tian Cabot's ships,and fifteen days after,I left there on my brig-
antine with sixty men and we arrived eighty leagues further
up at a place where Sebastian Cabot had for a fort a house all
made of straw and he called it the Fort of San Espiritu, and
Gregory Caro was there on guard. So far we saw no Indians,
and in this place and around it there were Indians called Guar-
anis.* " "We urged Gregory Caro to abandon this conquest
because it did not concern him, and he answered us very well,
and said that they were in that house for His Majesty and Se-

* Literal translation of the' text.

Appendix No. 3S. 377

bastian Cabot, and for the rest, he was at my command ( res-
pondio muy bien, dijo que todo lo obederia, e questavan en
aquella casa por su mayestad e por Sebastian gavoto e que es-
tava a mi servicio), and gave us news of his captain, that the
Indians had told him that Sebastian Cabot had been defeated
further up, and many men killed, and begged me if I found any
of them in the places where I w-as going to make dis-
coveries, that I would ransom them and he would pay me
back the price, and commended himself to my mercy, that if
his captain was dead I wTould not leave him on the River, but
take him with me and I should be doing a service to God and
Your Majesty." I sailed from there on Good Friday and in
twenty-seven days I discovered as much as Sebastian Cabot
in five months and we navigated the river as far as St. Ann
in Paraguay. From the harbor of San Espiritu to this place
is one hundred leagues and it is in the 28th degree.* "And
it was up to this place of St. Ann that we discovered and Se-
bastian Cabot discovered, and above here. . . .f leagues they
killed his first men he had writh him, and they killed through
his fault twenty and ( or ? ) thirty men, and this was

. . . .fWe went to them, and did not see them nor find
them, and this is the truth that we came as far as this, he and
we."

Here he gives the names of some of the people he met,
Guaranis, Iaanaes, etc.; of their customs he only says what
they eat, "comen came, comen pescado e carne," etc., and
asserts that these populations "dan nuevas deste paraguay que
en el ay mucho oro e plata e grandes riquezas e piedras pre-
ciojas." And with the record of these riches his narrative ends:
"y esto es lo que sabemos deste descubrimiento."

* Literal translation of the text. f Text illegible.

378 APPENDIX NO. 39.

XXXIX.

Inscription on the chart of Sebastian Cabot of 1544, relative to his
exploration of la Plata.

Llaman los Indios a este gran Rio el Ryo hurnai, en Ca-
stellan el Rio de la Plata toma este nombre del Rio hurnai el
qual es un Rio muy caudaloso que entra en el gran Rio de Pa-
rana descubriolo loan Diaz de Solis piloto mayor de los catho-
licos reyos de gloriosa memoria y descubrio hasta una isla que
el dicho loan Diaz puso nombre la isla de Martin Garcia, por-
que en ella entierro un marinero, que se decia Martin Garcia,
la qual dicha isla esta obra treynta leguas arriba de la boca
deste Rio y coste le bien caro lo dicho descubrimiento, por-
que los Indios de la dha tierra lo mataron, y lo comieron, y
despues passados muchos Annos lo bolvio a hallar Sebastian
Caboto Capitan y Piloto mayor de S. c. c. m. del Imperador
don Carlos quinto deste nombre, y Rey nuestro Sennor, el
qual yva por Capitan general de una armada que su majestad
mando hazer para el descubrimiento de Tarsis, y Catayo Ori-
ental, el qua dho capitan Sebastia Caboto vino a este Rio por
caso fortuito, porque la nao capitana en que yva sele perdio, y
visto que no podia seguir el dho su viaie, accordo de descu-
brir con lagente que lluava el dicho Rio, vista la gradissima
relacion, que los Indios de la tierra le dieron de la gradissima
riqueza de oro, y plata, que enla dha tierra avia, y no sin gra-
dissimo trabaio y hambre, y peligros asi de su persona como
de los que conel y van, y procuro el dho capitan de hazer cerca
del dicho rio algunas poblationes de la gente que llevo de es-
pana. Este Rio es mayor que nyngunode quatosacaseconoscen
tiene de encno enla entrada, que entra enla mar, veinte y cinco
leguas, en ancho la causa de ser tan grade y poderoso, es
que entran enel otros muchos rios grades y caudalos Es rio de
infinitissimo pescado, y el meior que ay enel mundo,le gente en
llegado aquella terra quiso connoscer si era fertil, y apareiada
para labrar y llevar pan y senbraron en el mes de setiembre

APPENDIX NO. 40. 379

LII granos de tigro que no se hallo mas enlas naos y cogieron
luego enel mes de deziembre cinqueta, y do mill granos de ti-
gro, que esa misma fertilitad se hallo entodas las otras semillas.
Losq en aquella tierra biven dizen que no lexos de ay en la
tierra a dentro que ay unas grades sierras de donde sacan infin-
itissimo oro, y que mas adelante enlas mismassierras, sacan in-
finita plata. Ay en esta tierra unas aveias grandes como asnos
comunes, de iigura de camelbos, salvo que tienen lalana tan
fina como seda, y otras muy diversas animales. Lagente de la
dha tierra es muy discrete entre si, porque los que biven enlas
aldas de las sierras son blancos como nos otros, y los que estan
hazia la Ribera del Rio, son mornos. Algunos dellos dizen que
enlas dhas sierras ay hombres que tienen el Rostro como de
perro y otros de la rodilla abaxo como de Abestruz y que es-
tos son grandes trabaiadores, y que cogen mucho mays de que
hazen pan y vino del, otras muchas cosas dizen de aquella
tierra que no se pone aquy por no ser prolixas.

XL.

Abstract of the summons made by Diego Garcia on Captain Francis
de Rojas, in the name of Sebastian Cabot.

It commences with Diego Garcia's order to the notary of his
squadron to proceed to deliver to Captain Francis de Rojas
in person an order of Sebastian Cabot. The document is
dated at the Port of St. Vincent, Tuesday, March 22, 1530.

Next follows Sebastian Cabot's order. It commands Cap-
tain Rojas to come on board of the Santa Maria del Espinar,
now the flag-ship, "to be taken to Spain and delivered to His
Majesty, and to the council of the Indies, to account for and
answer certain accusations that have been made against you,
for acts against His Majesty's service and mine." He was to
present himself within six days, under penalty of life and the
loss of all his property; and, if not obeying, he was to be

380 APPENDIX NO. 40.

held thenceforth as condemned, and his property confiscated
for the Chambers and Treasury of His Majesty. In order that
he should not fear to present himself, he gave him his faith
and word on behalf of the King to grant him any safe con-
duct he wanted for his personal security, until delivered to
His Majesty or to the royal council of the Indies.

This order bears the same date as the preceding

Then comes the declaration of Diego Garcia's notary, which
avers that he presented to Captain Francis de Rojas the
above order on Tuesday, March 24, 1530, at the house of
Gonzalo da Costa, a Portuguese; Rojas answered that he
would reply within the time allowed by law ; the names of
four witnesses present at the service of the order, come after.

Next follows the reply of Rojas. It begins by declaring
that he does not recognize Cabot's authority over him, since
he had long ago removed him from his power and juris-
diction, abandoning him in a land of Infidels who eat human
flesh, and left him the slave of an Indian, where he had
suffered much and undergone great peril. Now recalling
that Cabot had been the cause of it all, he saw plainly that,
as before, so now also he wTanted to cause his death, and
therefore tried to bring him by fraud into his power in order
to dispose of him at his pleasure. But he would not second
his intentions. He was ready to proceed to give an account
of his conduct to His Majesty, but wTith some one not under
Cabot's orders, and as he truly desired to serve His Majesty,
and has learned that Cabot left seventy to eighty men at Cape
St. Mary, he offers to go there and take them off as he has a ship
built in partnership with Gonzalo da Costa. But as this ship
is not yet equipped he demands of Cabot all the men and
supplies needed for fitting it out. On returning he and they
will place themselves under his command. And since he
has been told that at the Isle of Patos he seized four Indians
by whose capture the whole land is turned upside down, he
offers to take those young men back to their island.

Rojas then reports that the emperor had authorized all the
Captains and officers of Cabot's fleet to carry off two slaves
apiece. And as he has his two, he demands that Cabot take

APPENDIX NO. 41. 381

them on his ship and carry them and deliver them to his
relatives in Spain.

The reply of Rojas is dated Saturday, March 26 ; and the
Monday following, the 28th, the notary Alonzo Gomez Varela
of Diego Garcia's squadron, carried the reply to Cabot. Cabot
required it to be written in legal form for presentation to His
Majesty and the Council of the Indies.

XLI.

Historia geral do Brazil . . . por un socio do Instituto historico
do Brazil, natural de Sorocaba.(F. Ad de Varnhagen.) — Ma-
drid, 1854. Tomo primeiro. (Bibl. Nact. LII-3) p. 439.

Carta de Siniao Affonso — de Sevilla.

Sfir. en estou vesta cidade de sevilha esperado reguado de
Vosa Alteza pa daqui hir a corte do emperador pedir execucao
cotra Joao frz. de crasto eseusbensse V. A. asi onner per seu
servico por que aqui ja esta determinado q. se nao ha de fazer
sem o d. ° conselho vir per especial madado as justicasdesta ci-
dade que a facao segundo tenho escrito a V. A. e per nao ver
mandado de V. A. nao sao ja partydo por que sua justiea se
perde e esto se dilatar madeine V. A. o que for seu servico
porquenao esperooutra cousa. esta somana chegou aqui hum
piloto e capitao que era hydo a descobrir terra o qual se
chama gabote piloto mor destes reinos e he ho que madon o
navio que veo ter a lixboa agora ha dous anos que trazia
nova de huma tera descuberta polo rio Perenai qui deziao ser
de muito ouro e prata, elle veo muy desbaratado e pobre por
q. dize que nao tras ouro nem prata nem cousa algua de pro-
veito aos armadores e deduzentoshomems que leuon nao tras
vyte que todos los outras dyzen que la flcao mortos hums de
trabalho e fame outros de guera q. cos mouros tiverao por q.
as frechadas dize q. matarao muitos deles e lhe desfizerao
hua fortaleza de madeyra que la tinhao feyta, de maniera que

382 APPENDIX NO. 42.

elles vem mal contentes e o piloto esta presso e dizen que queren
madar a corte ver o q. madao q. se dele faca, o q. disto pude
saber e se aqui pobrica aynder que muy paso he que na terra
que deziao ser descuberto nao deixao nenhum reguado saluo
a gente morta e o gasto perdido. dizen com tudo estes homes que
vierao que a terra he de muita prata e ouro e a cauza perq. nao
trazen nada he segundo dizen per que o capitao os nao quis de-
ixar tractar e tanbem perque os mouros os enganarao e se al-
evanartarao contreles disto podera V. A. creer o que lhe parecer,
da terra ficar deserta nao tenha duvida o rio dizen que he muy
grande e alto e muito largo, na entrada. se V. A. onner por seu
seruiyo madar la agora o podera fazer, porq. esta gente apartase
muito donde nao ve dr. ° , e se acerqua disto poder ao diate
saber mais particularidades escreuerei a V. A., noso sfir a vida e
real estado da V. A. conserve e acrecente per muitos anos, de
sevilha ha ij dagosto de 1530 — Simao, doctor.

XLIL

1533. Letter of Sebastian Cabot to H. M's Secretary Juan de
Samano. (Seville, 24 of June).

Al muy magnifico sefior el sefior Juan de Samano secre-
tario de su magestad mi sefior en madrid.
muy magnifico Sefior =
oy dia del bien aventurado san Juan recebi una carta del
adelantado de canaria por la qual me parece que todavia tiene
guno de tomar la enpresa del rio de parana que tan caro me
questa un cnadc del dicho adelantado me dio la carta y me
diyo que va alia y lleva carta del dicho adelantado para los
sefiores del consejo sobra la dicha enpresa plega dios nuestro
sefior de encaminarlc todc como su santa fe catolica sea au-
mentada y el ynperadoi nuestro sefior servido. Sefior la carta
que vuestra merced me envio a mandar que yriese ya la

append rx NO. i2. 383

tengo acabada y dada al contador dela casa dela contratacion
para que la envie la vuestra merced Suplico a vuestra merced
me perdone por no averla acabado mas presto y en verdad
sino fuera por la muerte de my hija y por la dolencia de my
muger y mya dias ha que vuestra merced la huvyera recebido
bien pense de llevarla yo mismo (con otras dos que tengo fecho
para su magestad) creo que su magestad y los senores del
Consejo quedaran satisfechos della porqueveran como se pu-
ede navegar por redondo por sus derotas como se ace por
una carta y la causa porque nordestea y noruestea la guja y
como es forcoso que lo haga y que tantas quartas a de nord-
estear y noruestear antes que torna abolverce azia el norte y
en que meridiano y con esto terra su magestad la regla cierta
para tomar la longitud.

Senor suplico a vuestra merced me aga merced de escrivir
a estos Senores officiales dela casa dela contratacion que me
socorran con un tercio de my salario adelantado para que me
pueda desmpechar de a qui e yr alia a besar las manos de
vuestra merced y a ablar con los senores del Consejo y llevarle
un criado mas que quedo enla carta del brasil el qual vino
con los portogueses que de alia vinieron para de relacion de
todo lo que alia an fecho los Portugueses y esto suplico a vuestra
merced allende de otra muchas mercedes que de vuestra mer-
ced tengo recebidas, nuestro senor guarde la magnifica per-
sona de vuestra merced y estado acreciente como por vuestra
merced es deseado y vuestro servidore desean y a my Sefiora
dona Juana beso la mano de Sevilla oy dia del bien aventu-
rado San Juan del 1533 anos besa la mano de vuestra merced
su muy cierto servidor= Sebastian Cabo{o=hay una firma."

Es copia conforme con el original de su referenda esistente
en este Archivo Grat de India, en cl. Ectante 143— Cajon3 —
Legajo 11.

Sevilla de Iunio de 1891.

El Archivero-Gefe
C*lslo Simener-Hace.

384 APPENDIX NO, 43.

XLIII.

Extract from the Letter of Robert Thome to the King of England,
Henry VI11, in 1527, inviting him to open a way into the northern
seas in order to put himself in communication with the eastern
lands of Cathay.

Yet these dangers or darkness hath not letted the Span-
iards and Portuguese and others, to discover many unknown
realms to their great peril. Which considered (and that your
Graces subjects may have the same light) it will seem your
Graces subjects to be without activity or courage, in leaving
to do this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past
this little way which they named so dangerous, (which may
be two or three leagues before they come to the Pole, and as
much more after they pass the Pole) it is clear, that from
thenceforth the seas are as temperate as in these parts, and
that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners,
to choose whether they will sail by the coasts, that be cold,
temperate or not. For they being past the Pole, it is plain
they may decline to what part they list.

If theis will go toward the Orient, they shall enjoy the re-
gions of all the Tartarians that extends toward the midday,
and from thence they may go and proceed to the land of the
Chinese, and from thence to the land of Cathaio Oriental, which
is of all the mainland, most Oriental that can be reckoned from
our habitation. And if, from thence, they do continue their
navigation, following the coasts that return towrard the Occi-
dent, they shall fall in with Malaca, and so with all the In-
dies, which we call Oriental, and following the wray, may re-
turn hither by the Cape of Buona Speranza ; and thus they
shall compass the whole world. And if they will take their
course after they be past the Pole, toward the Occident, they
shall go in the backside of the Newfoundland, and which of
late was discovered by your Grace's servants. And so continu-

APPENDIX NO. 43. 385

ing their voyage, they may return through the strait of Ma-
gellan to this country, and so they compass also the world by
that way ; and if they go this third way, and after they be
past the Pole, go right toward the Pole antarctic, and then de-
cline towards the lands and island situated between the Trop-
ics, and under the Equinoctial, without doubt they shall find
there the richest lands and islands of the World of Gold,
precious stones, balmes, spices, and other things that we here
esteem most which come out of strange countries, and may
return the same wray.

By this it appeareth, your Grace hath not only a great ad-
vantage of the riches, but also your subjects shall not travel
halfe of the way that others do, which go round about as
aforesaid.

To which places there is left one way to discover, which is
into the North ; for that of the four parts of the world, it seem-
eth three parts are discovered by other princes. For out of
Spaine they have discovered all the Indies and seas Occiden-
tal and out of Portugal all the Indies and seas Oriental : so
that by this part of the Orient and Occident, they have com-
passed the world. For the one of them departing toward the
Orient, and the other toward the Occident, met again in the
course or way of the midst of the day, and so then was discov-
ered a great part of the same seas and coasts by the Spaniards.
So that now rest to be discovered the said North parts, the
which it seemeth to me, is only your charge and duty. Be-
cause the situation of this your realm ys thereunto nearest and
aptest of all others ; and also for that you have already taken
it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seem well to leave
so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily
and with so little cost, labor, and danger, be followed and ob-
tained, though heretofore your Grace hath made thereof a
proofe, and found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at
this time it shall be no impediment etc.

Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 213.

25

386 APPENDIX NO. 41

XLIV.

Extract from the Letter of Robert Thome to D. Ley, Ambassador of
Henry VIII in Spain, in regard to the new lands discovered in the
West Indies.

For out of Spaine they have discovered all the

Indies and seas Occidental, and out of Portugale all the Ind-
ies and seas Oriental .... so that nowe rest to bee discov-
ered the said North partes, the which it seemeth to mee is
onely your charge and dutie. Because the situation of this
your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other :
and also for that you have alreadie taken it in hande, and
in mine opinion, it will not seeme well to leave so great and

profitable an enterprise Though, heretofore, your

Grace hath made thereof a proofe, and found not the com-
moditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shall bee no
impediment. Fore there may bee nowe provided remedies
.... and lettes remooved that then were cause your Grace's
desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be
chaunged, and followe the aforesaid new courses.

And nowe to declare some thing it ys very cleere

and certaine that the seas that commonly men say that with-
out great danger, difficultie, and perill, yea, rather, it is im-
possible to passe, those same seas bee navigable, and without

any such daunger but that shippes may passe For

they (your Grace's Subiects), being past this little way
which they named so dangerous, which may bee ii or iii
leagues before they come to yc Pole, and as much more after
they passe the Pole, it is cleere that from thence foorth the
seas and Landes are as temperat as in these partes, and that
then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners to

choose whither they will saile For they being past the

Pole, it is plaine they maye decline to what parte they list. If
they will goe towarde the Orient they shall inioy the regions
of all the Tartarians from thence to the land of

APPENDIX NO. 45. 387

ye Chinas ... of Cathaio oriental And if they will take

their course after they be past the pole towarde the Occident,
they shall goe in the backe side of the new found lande, which
of late was discovered by your Grace's subiectes, untill they
come to the backside and South seas of the Indies occi den-
tall. And so continuing their viage, they may returne thorowe
the Straite of Magallanos to this countrey .... and if they
goe this thirde way, and after they bee past the pole, goe
right towarde the pole Antartike, and then decline toward
the lands and Hands situated betweene the Tropikes and un-
der the Equinoctial.. ..and may returne the same way."* Hak-
luyt, I. 243.

XLV.

Pension given by Edward VI to Sebastian Cabot.

Edwardus sextus Dei gratia Anglise, Francise, et Hibernise rex
omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesentes hae literae nostrae
pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni
et acceptabilis servitij, nobis per dilectum servientem nostrum
Sebastianum Cabotam impensi atque impendendi, de gratia
nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, et mero motu nostro, nee
non de advisamento, et consensu praeclarissimi avunculi
nostri Edwardi Ducis Somerseti personae nostrae Guberna-
toris, ac Regnorum, dominiorum subditorumque nostrorum
protectoris, et caeterorum consiliariorum nostrorum, dedimus
et concessimus, ac per praesentes damus et concedimus eidem
Sebastiano Cabotae, quandam annuitatem sive annalem
reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabotae, durante vita sua naturali,
de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri West monastery
per manus thesaurariorum et Camerariorum nostrorum,
ibidem pro tempore existentium, ad festa annuntiationis be-
atae Mariae Virginis, nativitatis sancti Joannis Baptistae,

* Robert Thome supposed, like many others, that the polar seas were as
easily navigable as our own.

388 APPENDIX NO. 46.

sancti Michaelis Archangeli, et Natalis Domini per aequales
portiones solvendum. Et ulterius de uberiori gratia nostra, ac
de advisamento, et consensu praedictis damus, et per praesen-
tes concedimus praefato Sebastiano Cabotae, tot et tantas Den-
ariorum summas, ad quot et quantas dicta annuitas sive annalis
reditus centum sexaginta sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum,
et quatuor denariorum, a festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli
ultimo praeterito hue usque se extendit, et attingit, habendas
et recipiendas praefato Sebastiano Cabotae et assignatis suis de
thesauro nostro praedicto per manus praedictorum Thesaura-
riorum, et Camerariorum nostrorum de dono nostro absque
computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, haeredibus, vel successori bus
nostris proinde reddendo, solvendo, vel faciendo : eo quod
expressa mentio, etc. In cuius rei testimonium etc. Teste
Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6 die Januarij, anno 2. Regis
Edwardi sexti." Hakluyt, III, 31. Ed. 1600.

XLVI.

Dispatches of the English Ambassadors on the request for Se-
bastian Cabot's return to Spain.

25 Nov. 1549.

And farther where as one Sebastian Gaboto general p[ilot]
of the emperours Indias is presently in England forasmuch
as he cannot stand the King your Mr. in any greate [stead]
seing he hath smale practise in these sees and is a v [erie]
necessary man for the emperour whose servaunt he is [and]
hath a pencion of hym his matie desyreth sume ordre[to] be
taken for his sending over in suche sorte as his [mates] Ani-
bassadour shall at better length declare unto the king your
Mr's counsell.

[Cotton M. Galba B. XII, fo. 124. Despatch from sir Thos.
Cheyne and sir Phil. Hoby, English ambassadors to Charles
V» to the Privy Council. Brussels, 25 nov. 1549].

APPENDIX NO. 47 389

XLVIL

Reply of the English Ministers to the request to send back Cabot

And as for Sebastian Cabot answere was first made to the
said Amb.or that he was not deteined heere by us, but that he
of himself refused to go either into Spayne or to the empor,
and that he being of that mind and the kinges subiecte, no
reason nor equitie wolde that he shulde be forced or com-
pelled to go against his will. Upon the wch aunswere, the
said Amdor said that if this were Cabottes aunswere then he
required that the said Cabot in the presence of some one
whom we could appointe might spek with the said Ambdor
and declare unto him this to be his mind and aunswere wher-
unto we condescended, and at the last, sent the said Cabot
w* Richard Shelley to thembassador. Who as the said
Shelley hathe made report to us, affirmed to the said Ambdor
that he was not minded to go neither into Spayne nor to
themp or Nevertheles having knowlege, of certain thinges
verie necessarie for the Empore knowlege, he was well conten-
ted for the good well he bere tiiempor to write his mind unto
him, or declare the same here to enie such as shulde be ap-
pointed to heare him. Wherunto the said ambdor asked the
said Cabot, in case the kinges matie or we shuld command
him to go to thempor whether then he wold not do it ? Wher-
unto Cabot made aunswere as Shelley reportethe that if the
kinges highnes or we did command him so to do, then he
knew wel moughe what he had to do. But it semeth that
the ambdor tooke this aunswere of Cabot to sound as
though Cabot had aunswered, that being commanded by
the Kinges highnes«or us that then he wolde be contented to
go to the empor wherin we reken the said Ambdor to be deceived,
forthat the said Cabot had divers times before declared unto
us that he was fullie determined not to go hens at all.
Grenewich, 21 april 1550. The counsail to sir Ph. II
[British Museum, Harleyan Mss. 523 f. q.]

390 APPENDIX NO. 49.

XLVIII.

Letter of Charles V to Mary Tudor for Sebastian Ct bot's return.

Tres haulte tres excellente et tres puissante princesse nostre
tres chiere et tres amee bonne seur et cousine. Pour ce que de-
sirerions commUniquer aucuns affaires concernans la sheurete
de la navigation de noz Royaulmes et pays avec le capitaine
cabote cidevant pilote de noz Royaulmes de Spaignes, et le
quel de nostre gre et consentement sest puis ancune annees
passe en Angleterre nous vous requerons bien affectueuse-
mente, donnei conge audit cabote et luy permecter venir de-
vers nous, pour avec lui communiquer sur ce que dessus. Et
vous ferez en ce tres agreable plesir selon qu'avons en charge
a nos ambassadeurs devers vous le vous declarer plus particu-
lierement. AtanL tres haulte tres excellente et tres puissante
princesse nre. chiere et tres amee bonne seur et cousine nous
prions le createur vous avoir en sa tres saincte et digne garde.
A Mons en Haynnau le IX e de septembre 1553.
vre bon frere et cousin Charles

Baue

A tres haulte tres excellente et tres puissante princesse nre.
tres chiere et tres amee bonne seur et cousine la Royne dan-
gleterre.

M. W. B. Turnbull, Foreign Calendars, 1553-58, t. i, No.
31, p. 10.

XLIX.

Dispatch of the Council of Ten to James Soranzo, Venetian Ambas-
sador to England, as to the manner of sending Sebastian Cabot to
Venice, 12 September 1551.

Per le lettere vostre de' 17 del mese passato indriciate alii
Capi del Consiglio nostro di Dieci, havemo inteso quello che vi
e occorso di avvisarne in materia del fedelissimo nostro Seba-

APPENDIX NO. 50. 391

stiano Gaboto, il che mi e stato molto grato, et vi laudamo
della diligentia che avete usato in darne particolar infor-
matione delle qualita et conditioni soe : in risposta delle quali
vi dicemo che li dobbiate far intendere che questa sua offerta
ne e stata gratissima, usandole quelle bone parole che vi pare-
rano per la prudentia vostra ; et quanto alia richiesta che vi
e stata fata da quei signori circa li crediti che pretende et
ricuperatione de beni, li risponderete che noi desideramo in
tutto quello che potemo far cosa grata a aquella Maesta, ed
a loro Signorie, ma che non essendo il detto Caboto co-
nosciuto da alcuno de qui, saria neccessario che esso medesimo
venisse per giustificare la sua persona et le ragion sue, essendo
quelle cose di che si parla molto vecchie, e questo istesso
havemo risposto al Magnifico Ambasciator di quella Maesta,
il quale di cio ne ha fatto instantia in conformita delle lettere.
vostre, pero anchora ed esso Gaboto farete intender il tutto.
Con questa occasione possa dimandare et ottenere la licentia
di venire, la quale vederete, che il procuri di avere, trasferen-
dosi di qui quanto piu presto potra, ne restarete pero in questo
mezo di sforzarvi di intendere da lui piu avanti quei maggior
particolari che potrete dir, e il disegno suo di questa naviga-
tione, dando del tutto particolare notitia alii capi
+ 25—2—0
[Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Consiglio dei Dieci, Parti Se-
crete, Filza N. 8, 1551-54].

Dispatch of Peter Vannes, Ambassador of England to Venice, on
the recommendations in favor of Sebastian Cabot.

To the Council
.... Touching Sebastian Cabot's matter, concerning which
the Venetian Ambassador has also written, he has recom-
manded the same to the Seigniory, and in their presence deli-
vered to one of their secretaries Baptista Ramusio, whom

392 APPENDIX NO. 51.

cabot put in trust, such evidences as came to his ands. The
Seigniory were well pleased that one of their subjects by serv-
ice and virtue should deserve the Councils good will and fa-
vour ; and although this matter is about 50 yars old, and by
the death of men, decaying of houses and perishing of writings,
as well as his own absence it were hard to come to any as-
sured knowledge thereof, they have commanded Ramusio to
eansearch with diligence any way and knowledge possible
that may stand to the said Sebastian's profit and obtaining of
right.

M. W.m B. Turnbull, [ Foreign Calendar, dra, 1861, p. 171,
N. 444 ].

LI.

Extract from the Narrative of Ramusio1 s second Anonymous on the
Voyages to the North- East seas.

Si aveva messo in fantasia Sebastiano Cabota inglese, nato
di padre venetiano, instrutto prima da Giovanni Caboto suo
padre, e molti anni col pensier discorso haveva, poter essere
che qualche passo fosse nel mar settentrionale, per il quale o
di verso Levante o di verso Ponente con breve navigatione e
facile da queste nostre parti nel grande Oceano Indico passare
si potesse, purche dall'oppositione di qualche terra incognita
esso passo impedito non fosse, persuaso ad immaginarsi questa
cosa cosi dal testimonio d' alcuni authori antiqui, come dall'-
esperienza de' molti moderni. Gli argomenti che movevano
et il padre et il figliuolo a credere, che questo esser potesse,
erano che Plinio servendosi del testimonio di Cornelio Nepote
scrive che dal Re di Svetia furon donati a Metello Celere procon-
sole della Gallia, alcuni mercadanti Indiani, che erano da for-
tuna marittima stati trasportati da' lor paesi ne' liti di Svetia.
Dicono ancora trovasse scritto, che a' tempi di Ottone Impe-
ratore fu presa nel mar settentrionale Germanico una certa
nave, che di Levante dalla forza de' contrari venti vi era stata
portata. II che ( come essi affermano ) a modo alcuno far non

APPENDIX No. 52. :;<):;

si saria potuto, se quel mare settentrionale fosse per cagione de'
gran freddi e ghiacci semper innavigabile. Un altro argo-
mento ancora havevano ; che oltre il mar Indico, il golfo Gan-
getico, l'Aurea Chersoneso, over Malacha, e la provincia
de Sina, et oltra le navigation! de' Moderni, sapevano di certo,
che questo mare Indico era posto in lunghezza quasi nel
grado 180 et in larghezza nel 25 grado, poco di la del meri-
diano di Tartaria, e delFamplissimo imperio del Cathai (qual
da naviganti e cercato, come scopo e premio delle fatiche loro)
e considerando come e quanto questo gran mar delle Indie si
andasse ogni hor piu sotto questo meridiano ingolfando e pie-
gando verso sett entri one, non con legger coniettura, ne senza
ragione ( essendo che le cose incognite possono essere cosi
false come vere) giudicavano esser verisimile, che se il
mar nostro settentrionale o di verso levante o di verso ponente
si distendesse alia volta di Mezo giorno se particolarmente
sotto quell'istesso meridiano, sotto il quale il mar Indico verso
settentrione si piega, che facilmente sotto V istesso meridiano

col mar d' India congiungere si potrebbe Questi sono

i principali argomenti, ne' quali Sebastian o Cabota confida-
tosi, persuase agli huomini di questi paesi, di potersene passare
dal mar settentrionale dalla banda di Levante (perciocche
quella di Ponente havevano indarno et esso et il padre cer-
cata ) facilmente et in curto tempo nell' India Orientale, o
almeno di giungere nel regno del Cathai, di dove sperava
ritornare carico di oro, di gioie e di speziarie.

Ramusio, 2.a Ediz., Venezia, 1606, presso i Giunti, vol. ii,
p. 212.

LII.

Extract from Lanquet's Chronicle on the Voyage of 1553 to the

North- East.

In this meane whyle there were three noble shyppes
furnyshed for the great adventure of the unknown viage into
the easte by the north seas. The great encourager of this

394 APPENDIX NO. 54.

viage was Sebastian Gaboto, an englisheman, borne at Bris-
tow, but a Genoways sonne. These shyps dyd shortly after
passe gallantly by Grenewiche in the kinges presence, one of
the mariners Standyng upon the mayne topmaste of one of
them."

[Lanquet, Cooper et Crowley. An Epitome of cronicles, Lon-
don, Thomas Marshe, 1559, sub anno 1553] .

LIIL

Extract from Grafton's Chronicle on the same Voyage.

About this time there were three noble ships set forth and
furnished for the great adventure of the unknowne voyage in-
to the East, by the North seas. The great doer and encour-
ager of which voyage was Sebastian Gaboto an Englishe man,
borne at Bristow, but was the sonne of a Gen o way. These
shipes at the last arrived in the country of Muscovia, not with-
out great losse and danger, and namely of their captain, who
was a worthy and adventerous gentle ma called sir Hugh
Willoughby, Knight, who beyng tossed and driven by tem-
pest, hee was at the last found in his ship frozen to death
and all his people. But now the said voyage and trade is
greatly advanced. . .
[Grafton, A Chronicle at large, London, 1569, sub anno 1553.]

LIV.

Extract from HolinsheoVs Chronicle on the same Voyage.

Edward VI
An. Reg. 6

About this time there were three notable ships
set forth and furnished for the great adventure of
the unknowne voyage into the east by the north seas. The
great doer and encourager of which voiage was Sebastian

APPENDIX NO. 56 395

Gaboto an Englishma Lorn at Bristow, but was the son of a
Genovvaies. These ships at the last arrived in the countrie of
Moscovia not without great losse and danger, and namely of
their captaine, who was a worthie and adventurous gentleman
called sir Hugh Willoughby knight who being tossed and
driven by tempest, he was at the last founde in his ship
frosen to death and all his people. But now the sayde voy-
age and trade is greatly advanced . . .

[Holinshed, The Chronicles of Englande, Scotlande, and
Irelande, London, 1557, t. ii, p. 1714, sub anno 1553].

LV.

Extract from John Stow's Chronicle on the same Voyage.

Edward VI
A. D. 1553

The twentith of May, by the encouragement of
one Sebastian Cabotte three great ships wel furni-
shed were sette forthe for the adventure of the unknown voy-
age to Muscovia, and other easte partes by the North seas,
divers merchants and other being free of that voyage, yeelded
towards the charges of the same five and twentie pounds
apeece. Sir George Barnes and Sir William Garrard being
ye principal doers therein.

[Stow, Chronicle, Lond. 1580, p. 1057].

LVI

Cabot's Instructions.

Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and for
the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled,
made and delivered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian
Cabota Esquier governour of the mysterie and companie of
the Marchants adventurers for the discoverie of Regions,

396 APPENDIX NO. 56.

Dominions, Islands and places unknowen, the 9. day of May,
in the yere of Lord God 1553 and in the 7. yeere of the
reigne of our most dread soveraigne Lord Edward the 6 by
the grace of God, king of England, Fraunce and Ireland,
defender of the faith, and of the Church of England and Ire-
land, in earth supreame head.

First the Captaine general, with the pilot maior, the
masters, marchants and other officers, to be so knit and ac-
corded in unitie, love, conformitie, and obedience in every
degree on all sides, that no dissention, variance, or contention
may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this
companie, to the damage or hinderance of the voyage : for
that dissention (by many experiences) hath overthrown many
notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits.

2 Item, for as much as every person hath given an othe to
be true, faithful], and loial subjects, and liege men to the
kings most excellent Maiestie, his heires and successors, and
for the observation of all lawes and statutes, made for the
preservation of his most excellent Maiestie, and his crown
Imperiall of his realmes of England and Ireland, and to
serve his Grace, the Kealme, and this present voyage truely,
and not to give up, intermit or leave off the said voyage and
enterprise untill it shalbe accomplished, so farre forth as pos-
sibilitie and life of man may serve or extend : Therfore it
behoveth every person in his degree, as well for conscience,
as for dueties sake to remember his said charge, and the ac-
complishment thereof.

3 Item, where furthermore every mariner or passenger in
his ship hath given like othe to bee obedient, to the Captaine
generall, and to every Captaine and master in his ship, for the
observation of these present orders contained in this booke,
and all other which hereafter shalbe made by the 12 coun-
sailers in the present book named, or the most part of them,
for the better conduction, and preservation of the fleete, and
atchieving of the voyage, and to be prompt, ready and
obedient in all acts and feates of honesty, reason, and duetie
to be ministred, shewed and executed, in advancement
and preferment of the voyage and exploit : therefore it is

APPENDIX NO. 56. 397

convenient that this present booke shall once every weeke
( by the discretion of the Captaine ) be read to the said com-
panie, to the intent that every man may the better remember
his othe, conscience, duetie and charge.

4 Item, every person by vertue of his othe, to doe effectu-
ally and with good wil ( as farre forth as him shall complie )
all and every such act and acts, deede or deeds, as shalbe to
him or them from time to time commanded, committed and
cnioyned (during the voyage ) by the Captain generall, with
the assent of the Counsell and assistants, as well in and dur-
ing the whole Navigation and voyage, as also in discovering
and landing, as cases and occasions shall require.

5 Item, all courses in Navigation to be set and kept, by the
advice of the Captaine Pilot maior, masters, and master
mates, with the assents of the counsailersand the most num-
ber of them and in voyces uniformely agreeing in one to pre-
vaile, and take place, so that the Captaine generall, shall in
all counsailes and assemblies have a double voyce.

6 Item, that the fleete shall keep together, and not sepa-
rate themselves asunder, as much as by winde and weather
may be done or permitted, and that the Captaines, Pilots and
masters shall speedily come aboord the Admiral, when and as
often as he shall seeme to have hist cause to assemblee them
for counsaile or consultation to be had concerning the affaires
of the fleete and voyage.

7 Item, that the marchants, and other skilful persons in
writing, shal daily write, describe, and put in memorie the Na-
vigation of every day and night, with the points, ond obser-
vation of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the sunne,
course of the moon and starres, and the same so noted by the
order of the Master and pilot of ever ship to be put in writ-
ing the captaine generall assembling the masters together
once every weeke (if winde and weather shal serve) to
conferre all the observations and notes of the said ships, to
the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do agree, and
wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, delibera-
tion and conclusion determined, to put the same into a com-
mon leger, to remain of record for the company: the like

398 APPENDIX NO. 56.

order to be kept in proportioning of the Cardes, Astrolabes,
and other instruments prepared for the voyage, at the charge
of the companie.

8 Item, that all enterprises and exploits of discovering or
landing to search lies, regions and such like, to be searched
and attempted, and enterprised by good deliberation and
common assent, determined advisedly. And that in all en-
terprises, notable ambassages, suites, requests, or presentement
of giftes, or presents to Princes, to be done and executed
by the captaine generall in person, or by such other, as he by
common assent shall appoint or assigne to doe or cause to be
done in the same.

9 Item, the steward and cooke of every ship, and their
associats, to give and render to the captaine and other head
officers of their shippe weekely (or oftner), if it shall seeme
requisite, a iust or plaine and perfect accompt of expense,
of the victuals, as wel flesh, fish, bisket, meate, or bread
as also of beere, wine, oyle or vineger, and all other kinde
of victualling under their charge, and they, and every of
them so to order and dispende the same, that no waste or un-
profitable excesse be made otherwise then reason and ne-
cessitie shall command.

10 Item, when any inferiour or meane officer of what degree
or condition he shalbe, shalbe tried untrue, remisse, negligent,
or unprofitable in or about his office in the voyage, or not to
use him selfe in his charge accordingly, then every such
officer to be punished or removed at the discretion of the
captaine and assistants, or the most part of them, and the
person so removed not to be reputed, accepted, or taken from
the time of his remove, any more for an officer, but to remaine
in such condition and place, as hee shall be assigned unto,
and none of the companie, to resist such chastisement or
worthie punishment, as shalbe ministred unto him moderately,
according to the fault or desert of his offence, after the lawes
and common customes of the seas, in such cases heretofore
used and observed.

11 Item, if any Mariner or officer inferiour shalbe found by
his labour not meete nor worthie the place that he is presently

APPENDIX NO. 56. 399

shipped for, such person may bee unshipped and put on
lande at any place within the kings Maiesties realme and do-
minion, and one other person more able and more worthy to
be put in his place, at the decretion of the captaine and mas-
ters, and order to be taken that the partie dismissed shalbe
allowed proportionably the value of that he shall have
deserved to the time of his dismission or discharge, and he to
give order with sureties, pawn, or other assurance, to re-
pay the overplus of that he shall have received, which
he shall not have deserved, and such wages to be made with
the partie newly placed as shalbe thought reasonable,
and he to have the furniture of al such necessaries as were
prepared for the partie dismissed, according to right and
conscience.

12 Item, that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swea-
ring be used in any ship, nor communication of ribaldrie,
filthy tales, or ungodly talke to be suffred in the company of
any ship, neither dicing, carding, tabling, nor other divelish
games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not onely povertie
to the players, but also strife, wariance, brauling, fighting,
and oftentimes murther to the utter destruction of the parties
and provoking of Gods most iust wrath, and sworde of
vengeance. These and all such like pestilences, and con-
tagions of vices, and sinnes to bee eschewed, and the offenders
once monished, and not reforming, to bee punished at the dis-
cretion of the captaine and master, as appertaineth.

13 Item, that morning and evening prayer, with other com-
mon services appointed by the kings Maiestie, and lawes
of this Eealme to be read and saide in every ship daily
by the minister in the Admirall, and the marchant or some
other person learned in other ships, and the Bible or par-
aphrases to be read devoutly and Christianly to Gods honour,
and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and
heartie praier of the Navigants accordingly.

14 Item, that every officer is to be charged by inventorie
with the particulars of his charge, and to render a perfect ac-
compt of the diffraying of the same together with modest,
and temperate dispending of powder, shot, and use of all

400 APPENDIX NO. 56.

kinde of artillery, which is not to be misused, but diligently
to be preserved for the necessary defence of the fleete and
voyage, together with due keeping of all instruments of your
Navigation and other requisites.

15 Item, no liquor to be spilt on the balast, nor firthines to
be left within boord: the cook room, and all other places to be
kept cleane for the better health of the companie, the gro-
mals and pages to bee brought up according to the laudable
order and use of the Sea, as well in learning of Navigation,
as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth.

16 Item, the liveries in apparel given to the mariners be
to be kept by the marchants, and not to be worne, but by the
order of the captaine, when he shall see cause to muster or
shewe them in good aray, for the advancement and honour
of the voyage, and the liveries to bee redelivered to the keep-
ing of the marchants, untill it shall be thought convenient for
every person to have the ful use of his garment.

17 Item, when any mariner or any other passenger shal
have neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body,
and conservation of his health, the same shall bee delivered
him by the Marchant, at the assignement of the captaine and
Master of that shippe, wherein such needie person shall be,
at such reasonable price as the same cost, without any game
to be exacted by the marchants, the value therof to be
entred by the marchant in his booke, and the same to be
discounted off the parties wages, that so shal receive, and
weare the same.

18 Item, the sicke, diseased, weake,and visited person within
boord, to be tendred, relieved, comforted and holpen in the
time of his infirmitie, and every maner of person, without
respect, to beare anothers burden, and no man to refuse such
labour as shall be put to him for the most benefite, and publike
wealth of the voyage, and enterprise, to be atchieved exactly.

19 Item, if any person shal fortune to die, or miscary in the
voyage, such apparell, and other goods, as he shall have at
the time of his death, is to be kept by the order of the captaine
and Master of the shippe and an inventorie to be made of it,
and conserved to the use of his wife, and children, or other-

APPENDIX NO 56. 401

wise according to his mind, and wil, and the day of his death
to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards bookes : to the
intent it may be knowen what wages he shall have deserved
to his death, and what shall rest due to him.

20 Item, that the Marchants appointed for this present vo-
yage, shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchan-
dizes, or open their commodities to any forrein princes, or any
of their subiects, without the consent, privitie or agreement
of the Captaines, the cape Marchants and the assistants, or
foure of them, whereof the captaine general], the Pilot Maior,
and cape Marchant to be three, and every of the pettie
marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant when
they, or any of them shall be required : and no commutation
or trucke to be made by any of the pettie marchants, without
the assent abovesaid: and all wares, and commodities trucked,
bought or given to the companie, by way of merchandise,
trucke, or any other respect, to be booked by the marchants,
and to be wel ordred, packed, and conserved in one masse en-
tirely, and not to be broken or altered,until the shippes shall re-
turne to the right discharges, and inventorie of al goods, wares,
and merchandises so trucked, bought, or otherwise dispended,
to be presented to the Governor, Consuls, and assistants in
London, in good order, to the intent the Kings Maiestie may
be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of
corporation is limited, according to our most bound dueties,
and the whole companie also to have that which by right
unto them appertaineth, and no embezelment shall be used,
but the truth of the whole voyage to bee opened, to the com-
mon wealth and benefite of the whole companie, and mysterie,
as appertaineth, without guile, fraude, or male engine.

21 Item, no particulier person, to hinder or preiudicate the
common stocke of the company,in sale or preferment of his own
proper wares, and things, and no particular emergent or pur-
chase to be employed to any several profite, until 1 the com-
mon stocke of the companie shall be furnished, and no person
to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contin-
gents, as shal fortune to any one of them, by his owne proper
policie, Industrie, or chance, nor no contention to rise in that

26

402 APPENDIX NO. 56.

behalfe, by any occasion of iewel, stone, pearles, precious
mettals, or other things of the region, where it shall chance
the same to rise, or to be found, bought, trucked, permuted, or
given: but every person to be bounden in such case, and up-
on such occasion, by order, and direction, as the Generall
Captaine, and the Councell shall establish and determine, to
whose order and discretion the same is left : for that of
things uncertaine, no certaine rules may or can be given.

22 Item, not to disclose to any nation the state of our reli-
gion, but to passe it over in silence, without any declaration of
it, seeming to beare with such lawes, and rites, as the place
hath, where you shall arrive.

23 Item, for as much as our people, and shippes may ap-
peare unto them strange and wonderous, and theirs also to
ours : it is to be considered, how they may be used, learning
much of their natures and dispositions, by some one such per-
son, as you may first either allure, or take to be brought aboord
your ships, and there to learne as you may, without violence
or force, and no woman to be tempted, or intreated to incon-
tinencie, or dishonestie.

24 Item, the person so taken, to be well entertained, used
and apparelled, to be set on land, to the intent that he or she
may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities :
and if the person taken may be made drunke with yourbeere,
or wine, you shal know the secrets of his heart.

25 Item, our people may not passe further into a land, then
that they may be able to recover their pinnesses, or ships, and
not to credit the faire words of the strange people, which be
many times tried subtile and false, nor to be drawen into per-
ill of losse, for the desire of golde, silver, or riches, and esteeme
your Owne commodities above al other, and in countenance
shew not much to desire the forren commodities nevertheless
take them as for friendship, or by way of permutation.

26 Item, every nation and region is to be considered advi-
sedly, and not to provoke them by any disdaine, laughing, con-
tempt, or such like, but to use them with prudent circum-
spection, with al gentlenes and curtesie, and not to tary long
in one place, untill you shall have attained the most worthy

APPENDIX NO. 56. 403

place * may be found, in such sort, as you may returne lw vic-
tuals sufficient prosperously.

27 Item, the names of the people of every Island, are to be
taken in writing, with the commodities and incommodities of
the same,their natures, qualities and dispositions,the site of the
same, and what things they are most desirous of, and what
commodities they wil most willingly depart with, and what
mettals they have in hils, mountaines, streames, or rivers,
in or under the earth.

28 Item, if people shal appeare gathering of stones, gold
mettall, or other like, on the sand, your pinnesses may drawe
nigh, marking what things they gather, using or playing upon
the drumme, or such other instruments, as may allure them
to barkening, to fantasie, or desire to see, and heare your in-
struments and voyces, but keepe you out of danger, and shewe
to them no poynt or signe of rigour and hostilitie.

29 Item, if you shall be invited into any Lords or Rulers
house, to dinner, or other parliance, goe in such order of
strength, that you may be stronger then they, and be warie of
woods and ambushes, and that your weapons be not out of
your possessions.

30 Item, if you shall see them weare Lyons or Beares
skinnes, having long bowes, and arrowes, be not afraid of that
sight : for such be worne oftentimes more to feare strangers,
then for any other cause.

31 Item, there are people that can swimme in the sea,
havens, and rivers, naked, having bowes and shafts, coveting
to draw nigh your ships, which if they shal finde not wel
watched, or warded, they wil assault, desirous of the bodies of
men, which they covet for meate ; if you resist them, they
dive, and so wil flee, and therefore diligent watch is to be kept
both day and night, in some Islands.

32 Item, if occasion shal serve, that you may give
advertisements of your proceedings in such things as
may correspond to the expectation of the company, and
likelihood of successe in the voyage, passing such dan-
gers of the seas, perils of ice, intollerable coldes, and
other impediments, which by sundry authors and

404 APPENDIX NO. 56.

writers, have ministred matter of suspition in some heads that
this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the North
pole, lacke of passage, and such like, which have caused
wavering minds, and doubtful heads, not onely to withdraw
themselves from the adventure of this voyage, but also dis-
s waded others from the same, the certaintie wherof, when you
shall have tried by experience, ( most certaine Master of all
worldly knowledge) then for declaration of the trueth, which
you shall have experted, you may by common assent of coun-
sell, sende either by land, or otherwaies, such two or one per-
son, to bring the same by credite, as you shal think may
passe in safetie : which sending is not be done, but upon urgent
causes, in likely successe of the voyage, in finding of passage,
in towardlines of beneficiall traffike, or such other like, where-
by the company being advertised of your estates and pro-
ceedings, may further provide, foresee, and determine that
which may seeme most good and beneficiall for the publike
wealth of the same : either providing before hand such things,
as shall bee requisite for the continuance of the voyage, or else
otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serve : in which things
your wisedomes and discretions are to be used, and shewed,
and the contents of this capitule, by you much to be pondred,
for that you be not ignorant, how many persons, as well the
kings Maiestie, the Lords of his honorable Counsel, this whole
companie, as also your wives, children, kinsfolkes, allies,
friends and familiars, be replenished in their hearts with ar-
dent desire to learne and know your estates, conditions, and
welfares, and in what likelihood you be in, to obtain this no-
table enterprise, which is hoped no lesse to succeed to you,
then the orient or Occident Indias have to the high benefite
of the Empereur, and kings of Portugal, whose subiects in-
dustries, and travailes by sea, have inriched them, by those
lands and Islands, which were to all Cosmographers, and other
writers both unknowne, and also by apparances of reason voide
of experience thought and reputed unhabitable for extremities
of heates, and colds, and yet indeed tried most rich, peopled,
temperate, and so commodious, as all Europe hath not the
like.

APPENDIX NO. 56. 405

33 Item, no conspiracies, parttakings, factions, false tales,
untrue reports, which be the very seedes, and fruits of conten-
tion, discord and confusion, by evill tongues to be suffered, but
the same, and all other ungodlines to be chastened charitably
with brotherly love, and alwaies obedience to be used and
practised by al persons in their degrees, not only for duetie
and conscience sake towards God, under whose mercifull hand
navigants above all other creatures naturally bee most nigh,
and vicine, but also for prudent and worldy pollicie, and pub-
like weale, considering and alwaies having present in your
mindes that you be all one most royall kings subiects, and
naturals, with daily remembrance of the great importance of
the voyage, the honour, glorie, praise, and benefite that de-
pend of, and upon the same, toward the common wealth of
this noble Realme the advancement of you the travailers
therein, your wives, and children, and so to endevour your
selves as that you may satisfie the expectation of them, who
at their great costs, charges, and expenses, have so furnished
you in good sort, and plentie of all necessaries, as the like was
never in any realme seene, used, or knowen requisite and
needful for such an exploit, which is most likely to be at-
chieved, and brought to good effect if every person in his
vocation shall endevour himselfe according to his charge, and
most bounden duetie : praying the living God, to give you
his grace, to accomplish your charge to his glorie, whose
merciful hand shal prosper your voyage, and preserve you
from all dangers.

In witnes whereof I Sebastian Gabota, Governour aforesaide,
to these persent ordinances have subscribed my name, and put
my seale, the day and yeere above written.

The names of the twelve Counsellors appointed in this
voyage.

406 APPENDIX NO. 58.

LVII.

Appointment of Sebastian Cabot as Governor of the Company
of Merchant Adventurers, 26 Feb. 1555.

Febr. 26 1555. Westminster.

Letters patent constituting William marquis of Westminster
and others a body corporate, by name of Merchant Advent-
urers of England for discovery of lands, territories etc. un-
known and not before frequented etc. S[ebastian] C[abot] to
be the first Governor.

[R. Lemon, Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1547-80.
T. L. p. 65].

LVI1I.

Queen Mary's Confirmation of the pension for life to Sebastian Cabot.

Anno D. 1555.

Rex et Regina, Omnibus ad quos, etc. salutem.

Sciatis quod nos,

De gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia et mero Motu

nostris, nee non in consideratione boni veri et acceptabilis ser-

vitii Nobis, per dilectum servientem nostrum Sebastianum

Caboto armigerum ante hac impensi et imposterum impen-

dendi,

Dedimus et concessimus, ac per Praesentes pro nobis Hae-
redibus et Successoribus nostris, damus et concedimus prae-
fato Sebastiano, quandam Annuitatem sive annualem Red-
ditum centum sexaginta sex librarum tresdecim solidorum et
quatuor denariorum legalis monetae angliae,

Habendam gaudendam et annuatim percipiendam eandem

APPENDIX NO. 59. 407

Annuitatem sive Annualem Reditum centum sexaginta sex
librarum tresdecim solidorum et quattuor denariorum prae-
fato Sebastiano et Assignatis suis, a festo Annunciation is
beatae Virginis ultimo praeterito, ad terminum et pro termino
Vitae eiusdem Sebastiani de Thesauro nostro Haeredum et
Successorum nostrorum per manus Thesaurari et Camera-
riorum nostrorum Haeredum et Successorum nostrorum ibidem
pro tempore existentium, ad festa Nativitatis Sancti Johannis
Baptisstae, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, Natalis Domini et
Annunciationis beatae Mariae Virginis, per aequales Portio-
nes annuatim solvendam ; prima solutione inde incipiente ad
festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae ultimo prae-
terito ;

Eo quod expressa mentio etc.

In cuius rei etc

Teste Rege et Regina apud Saint James XXVII. Die No-
vembris.

Per breve de Privato sigillo — Rymer, XV, 427.

LIX.

Decree of Quern Mary, dividing the pension of Sebastian Cabot
vrith William Worthington.

Anno D. 1557.

Rex et Regina omnibus ad quos etc. salutem.

Cum nos, per Literas nostras Patentes gerentes datam apud
voestem. vicesimo septimo die No vembris annis Regnorum
nostrorum secundo et tertio, de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex
certa scientia et mero Motu nostris, necnon in consideratione
boni veri et acceptabilis servitii nobis per dilectum servientem
nostrum Sebastianum Caboto Armigerum antea impensi et
tunc in posterum impendendi, pro Nobis Haeredibus et Suc-
cessoribus nostris dederimus et concesserimus praefato Se-

408 APPENDIX NO, 59.

bastiano quandam Annuitatem sive annuaiem Reditum cen-
tum sexaginta sex Librarum tresdecim solidorum et quatuor
Denariorum legalis Monetae Angliae,

Habendam gaudendam et annuatim percipiendam eandem
Annuitatem sive annuaiem Redditum centum sexaginta sex
Librarum tresdecim solidorum et quatuor Denariorum prae-
fato Sebastiano et assignatis suis a festo Annunciationis be-
atae Mariae Virginis, tunc ultimo praeterito ad milium et pro
Termino Vitae eiusdem Sebastiani de Thesauro nostro Hae-
redum et successorum nostrorum per maims Thesaurari et
Camerariorum nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existentium
ad festa Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae, et Sancti Micha-
elis Archangeli, Natalis Domini, et Annunciationis Beatae
Mariae Virginis per aequales Portiones annuatim solvendam,
prima solutione inde incipiente ad Festum Nativitatis Sancti
Johannis Baptistae tunc ultimo praeterito, prout in dictis
Literis Patentibus inter alia plenius continetur.

Quas quidem Litteras Patentes praefatus Sebastianus Caboto
nobis in Cancellariam nostram sursum reddidit et restituit
cancellandas, et ibidem jam cancellatae existunt, prout certain
inde habemus notitiam, ea tamen intentione quod nos, alias
literas nostras patentes de Annuitate praedicta eidem Se-
bastiano et dilecto servienti nostro Wilielmo Worthington
Armigero ac eorum alteri diutius viventis in forma sequente
facere et concedere dignaremur *

Sciatis igitur quod Nos pro considerationibus praedictis nee
non in consideratione boni veri et fidelis servitii Nobis, per di-
lectos servientes nostros Sebastianum Caboto et Willielmum
Worthington Armigeros ante hac impensi et in posterum
impendendi, de Gratiis nostris specialisms, ac ex certis scien-
tiis et meris Motibus nostris, dedimus et concessimus, ac per
Praesentes, pro Nobis Haeredibus et Successoribus nostrum
praefatae Reginae damus et concedimus eisdem Sebastiano et
Willielmo ac eorum alteri diutius viventis, dictam Annuita-
tem sive annuaiem Redditum centum sexaginta sex librarum
tresdecim solidorum et quattuor Denariorum legalis Monetae
Angliae,

Habendam gaudendam et annuatim percipiendam eandem

APPENDIX NO 59. 409

annuitatem sive annualem Redditum centum sexaginta sex
Librarum tresdecim solidorum et quatuor Denariorum praefa-
tis Sebastiano Caboto et Willielmo Worthington ac eorum
alteri diutius viventis et assignatis suis, ac assign atis eorum
alterius diutius viventis, a festo Annunciationis beatae Ma-
riae Virginis ultimo praeterito ad Terminum et pro Termino
Vitarum eorumden Sebastiani et Willielmi, ac eorum alterius
diutius viventis. de Thesauro nostro, Haeredum et Successo-
rum nostrorum dictae Reginae, ad Preceptam sacarii nostri
Westum. Haeredum et Successorum nostrorum dictae Re-
ginae, ibidem pro tempore existentium ad festa Nativitatis
Sancti Johannis Baptistae, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, Nata-
lis Domini, et Annunciationis beate Mariae Virginis, per ae-
quales portiones annuatim solvendam ;

Eo quod expressa mentio, etc.

In cuius rei etc.

Teste Rege et Regina apud Westmonasterium vicesimo
nono die Mai.

Per Breve de Privato Sigillo. — Rymer, XV, 466

The End.

\mmmm

LIFE OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

BY FRANCESCO TARDUCCI,
AFTER THE LATEST DOCUMENTS.

TRANSLATED FROM ITALIAN BY

HENRY F. BROWNSON.

Two volumes in one, 8vo. cloth, - - - - $3.00.

Sent post-paid on receipt of this price.

DETROIT, MICH. :

PUBLISHED BY H F. BROWNSON.

EXTRACTS FROM REVIEWS OF TARDUCCI'S LIFE OF COLUMBUS.

The Boston Transcript : Mr. Henry F. Brownson's transla-
tion of Tarducci's "Life of Christopher Columbus" is a work admir-
ably written, absolute in its facts, clear in its details, and authorita-
tive in its statements.

. . . . Although an enthusiastic admirer of Columbus, Tarducci
shows the utmost impartiality in estimating his character and acts.

The translation is a remarkably faithful one, and merits a per-
manent place in historical literature.

The Boston Herald : We wish to-day to bring out the per-
sonality of Columbus, so far as it can be done, into a stronger
and clearer light, and Sig. Tarducci's work has the rare distinction
of rendering this service. He is more anxious to tell the truth
about his hero than to make a brilliant story, and by this means he
places in our hands the facts which are most interesting concerning
Columbus, and is able to vouch for their truth. It is really a great
biography which he has produced, and we cannot but be grateful
to Major Brownson for having given the American public a trans-

11 ADVERTISEMENT.

lation of this important work at the time when the people are
demanding an authentic history of Columbus, and of the meth-
ods by which he was led to realize the great aim of his life.
The translator deserves the thanks of those who are interested
in the great celebration, and this work is the one which deals with
the great fact which we are to celebrate in the form of a personal
history.

The Literary World : On the eve of the iourth centennial of
the discovery of America by Columbus, it appears most fitting and
a happy augury for both nations, that an admirable biography
should be written in Italy and rendered available for the United
States.

. . . . The author of this most complete monograph belongs
to the purists — faithful sentinels of the Italian language.

The purity and vitality of his idiom are apparent even in the Eng-
lish translation. Mr. Brownson has well apprehended the qualities
of the original work, and faithfully conveyed them so far as the
spirit of a diverse speech permitted. . . This biography of Columbus
is written in the modern temper, which, first of all, desires to paint
the portrait of the man as he existed, rather than to catalogue his
deeds. . . The candid temper of the author admits the shadows
through which a portrait assumes the appearance of lite.

The N. Y. Sun : Prof. Tarducci's interesting book does justice
alike to his (Columbus's) magnificent conception of what the earth
had to yield in the path of discovery, his extraordinary energy even
under the most distressing feebleness and anguish of body, his pow< r
ot leadership, his undaunted courage, and the religious fervor and
fancy that graced his most practical achievements. Not the least
marvelous of the gifts of Columbus was his extraordinary power of
detailed observation, which attracted the profound admiration of
Humboldt. Not a change in compass or current not a wisp of
floating weed, or flight of birds, escaped his studious eye, and his
recorded inferences and conclusions would alone place him among
the wisest of mankind.

The N. Y. Times : This translation of one of the most minute
and painstaking of the many lives of Columbus has appeared very
opportunely, at a time when the four hundredth anniversary of the
great discoverer's crowning exnloit is so near at hand. Though
evidently written by a warm admirer of the famous Genoese, the
work is happily free from that extravagant and unreasoning adula-
tion with which Johnson was bedaubed by Boswell, and Frederick
the Great by Carlyle. The hero's shortcomings are told as plainly
as the great exploits that redeemed them ; but, while frankly admit-
ting them, the author has labored zealously and not unsuccessfully to
show that Columbus, when judged by the standard ot his own age,
was a man of singularly blameless life, elevated sentiments, and al-
most unique charity and unselfishness. . . . No one who has
studied these volumes can close them without a feeling of burn-
ing indignation at the mean and miserable ingratitude that re-
quited the noblest service ever rendered by mortal man to thankless
and heartless royalty.

THE WOEKS OF

ORESTES A. BROWNSON

COLLECTED AND ARRANGED BY

HENRY F. BROWNSON,

Twenty Volumes, 8vo. Cloth, $60. Half-morocco, $100.

A LIBERAL REDUCTION FOR CASH.

EXTRACTS FROM NOTICES BY THE PRESS.

" No writer among us has done more for the political education of the people of
the nation. These volumes can never be popular ; they are fit only for the think-
ers, but our rising statesmen, both Catholic and Protestant, can find no better
preparation for their highest political service than to read, mark, learn and
inwardly digest what Dr. Brownson has written on the higher politics in his capac-
ity as a Catholic publicist. He was at once a statesman and a philosopher, and
his different publications are among the most valuable contributions to our political
and philosophical literature." — The Boston Herald.

"His style, based on the best English models, gives an additional charm to all he
wrote. He stands out certainly unsurpassed, perhaps unequalled, by any of our
countrymen, in his masterly handling of the mother tongue. But the beautiful
workmanship is as nothing compared to the glorious materialwhich it adorns. It
is like the mantle of gold which enwrapped the matchless Olympian Jove of
Phidias. His logical power is simply wonderful: no sophistry, no specious reason-
ing of error or unbelief can stand before it. And coupled with this is the gift so
rare among profound thinkers and subtle dialecticians of bringing home his tri-
umphant process of reasoning to the minds even of ordinary readers with clearness
and precision.

"Persons who have an unbroken, complete series of the successive numbers
of Bro7vnson's Quarterly Review are greatly mistaken if they suppose that in it they
have a full collection of Brownson's writings. Many of his most important papers
were given to the public through other channels and in other ways. Those, too,
that appeared in the Review followed each other in the order of time, and as var-
ious circumstances suggested. But his son and posthumous editor, Henry F.
Brownson, has collected all his most important writings, and has arranged them
rather in a logical than an historical order. This gives an additional value to Dr.
Brownson's WORKS, as now republished, through the strength which one article,
following another in order of thought, gives to that which succeeds it."- -American
Catholic Quarterly Review.

" The English language in Dr. Brownson's grasp is a weapon to .slay and a
talisman to raise to life. Never was argumentation made more delightful reading;

IV ADVERTISEMENT.

never did a teacher instruct more by the aid of his pupils' highest faculties. It is
indeed a most enviable gift to be able so to write, or rather to be able so to
think, discern, judge, penetrate, decide, concerning the greatest topics of
the human understanding, and then to clothe one's conclusions in language
as adequate to express as human language well can be. Clearness, force,
purity, vividness, loftiness, are terms applicable to Dr. Brownson's literary style
True, besides the higher class of students of fine writing, the general reading
public will not study him, or any such order of men, merely for the sake of his liter-
ary excellences. But let one have any shadow of interest in the great questions he
treats, and every page displays the possession of a style which is the rarest of
literary gifts. For his writing, being colorless of those lesser beauties which catch
the eye but to arrest its deepest glances, and absolutely free from the least obscurity,
becomes the instinctive expression of a most enlightened mind. It is a magnetic
medium uniting the master's personality, the disciple's understanding, and the sub-
ject's essence." — The Catholic World.

" They deserve a place in the library of every fair-minded American citizen.
Printed and bound in a manner highly creditable to the publisher, they cannot
suffer by comparison with the works of any standard author. The devoted
editor has done his work with manifest care, accuracy, good taste, and sound judg-
ment. The volumes are uniform in size and appearance, each containing about 594
pages, and having a carefully prepared table of contents.

''The indexes are complete, accurate and admirably arranged. They bear
witness to careful and painstaking labor on the part of the editor. The 'Index of
Titles' covers twenty-three pages. The many articles and reviews published,
about 940 in number, are appropriately indicated under this head, due reference
being made to the volumes and pages where they may be found. These deal with a
great variety of subjects — in fact, every thing inviting discussion and comment, or
concerning the interests and welfare of humanity, during the author's long and busy
life, — and every subject treated appears to gain in interest, importance, and lustre
from the charm of his gifted pen. The 'Index of Subjects' comprises 171 pages,
and enables the reader to refer at once to the volume and page where each and
every noteworthy matter is presented. To prepare these indexes was manifestly
a most laborious task, but well and ably has it been accomplished." — The Ave Maria.

"It has been conceded that the late Dr. Brownson was a clear-minded and inde-
pendent thinker, but until his scattered writings were brought together it was not
apparent that in religion and philosophy he had wrought with the large purpose
and the wide sweep through the realm of thought which is now apparent : but a
study of the volumes in the collected edition of his writings shows that in the closely
related subjects of philosophy and religion he wrought with the force of a master,
and was always consistent with his purpose and aim. His writings all tend toward
the Roman Church as the ark of religion in the world, but they have the singular
meiit among the philosophical productions of the age, that they do not sever phi-
losophy from Christianity, but show the strong and true affiliations between the two
in a way that does not compromise the essential integrity of either. Dr. Brownson
is a constructive thinker, and his writings are more useful in the present effort
to place our religious thought upon a right basis than those of any other American
They include more ; they mean more ; they better harmonize reason with religion;
they organize religious thought upon a basis that can be depended upon. The
whole body of reasonable truth is here worked over by a remarkably keen and hon-
est mind. It may almost be said that what Thomas Aquinas did for the scholastic

ADVERTISEMENT. V

philosophy of the middle ages, Dr. Brownson has done for the philosophical ex-
pression of the truths of religion and philosophy in the terms of modern thought.
One rather marvels at Dr. Brownson's versatility in these papers, and in the
almost unexampled range of discussion to which the several volumes bear witness.
He had great confidence in himself, but his writings more than justify it. He was
a strong and clear thinker and knew his ground.

" Whoever doubts the high position here assigned to Dr. Brownson, needs only
to study his writings without prejudice, and measure calmly and slowly the scope of
his thought to become assured of its correctness. He will then find that Dr. Brown-
son was quite underrated while living, and that no American thinker has done more
thorough, substantial, or constructive work. No more effective monument could
be erected to his memory than the publication of his writings, and though differing
widely from him in religious opinion, candor compels us to acknowledge heartily
and thoroughly the qualities in his work which give him a high place among the
religious and philosophical thinkers of the age. The conviction has slowly grown
from repeated reading of the volumes already published, that the intelligent and
honest study of his writings will do more to prepare clergymen and teachers for the
adequate instruction of their fellow men in the truths of religion and philosophy
and broadened life than they are yet aware of. It is very rare that a great philoso-
pher is a confirmed believer in Christianity, and a thorough student of both
in their correspondence. Dr. Brownson has the merit of having spent his life in
their study without losing his faith in either, and this edition of his works
will prepare the way for a better appreciation of his thinking at the hands of
the present generation." — New York Times.

"In the writings of Orestes A. Brownson, as they were first given to the world in
the pages of the Democratic Review, Brownson's Review, and other periodicals and
detached volumes, we are struck with his wonderful power of logic and with the
strength and eloquence of his style. But it is only now, when they are arranged
and brought into their proper connection by his son, Major Henry F. Brownson, in
this complete edition, that we see the full force and symmetry of his whole thought
on all the great questions discussed in this country.

" A large portion of the essays in these volumes were hurriedly written against
the views and doctrines the author was combating, and while this adds to their fresh-
ness and attractiveness for the reader it necessarily detracts somewhat from their
completeness as treatises on the subjects under consideration if taken separately and
without reference to what he has elsewhere written on those subjects. This was,
perhaps, the principal cause of the frequent misunderstanding of his views of which
Dr. Brownson was accustomed to complain. His real meaning was often mistaken
by those who only read an article or two in a review and judged it without refer-
ence to his previous writings and whole line of thought. In the volumes before us,
however, the writings are so arranged under the different heads to which they
belong that the unity of the thought becomes clear and the meaning of one article
which might be thought ambiguous or carried to an extreme is determined by what
immediately precedes or follows.

"In the course of his philosophical writings Brownson analyzes and explains the
system of almost every philosopher that ever lived, from Plato and Pythagoras to
Gioberti and Sir William Hamilton. No one ever more fully possessed the power
to seize an author's meaning and explain it in a few sentences. It was this power,
combined with his evident fairness in argument and criticism, that caused him to be
called 'a born reviewer.' In all his controversies he seeks to present his opponent's

VI ADVERTISEMENT.

doctrine and argument in their strongest, not their weakest form, his aim being, as
he has said, to secure the triumph of the truth, not a mere personal victory over his
adversary.

"But perhaps the most wonderful trait of Dr. Brownson's mind was the ability
to direct his investigations to an immense variety of subjects. There is scarcely a
matter of political, social, or philosophical interest which he has not discussed,
scarcely a theory in science or theology on which he has not something to
say in these volumes." — New York Herald.

"Dr. Orestes A. Brownson compelled the attention of thoughtful men, while
living, to what he said, and there has been a growing demand for his writings
since his death. He was one of the few Americans who did not give up his inde-
pendent thinking when he entered the Roman church, and his loyalty to the
pope never interfered with his fidelity to the American republic. He did a great
work in religious and political philosophy, and was one of the leading minds of the
century in America. Such a man's thought does not easily die, and his son, Mr.
Henry F. Brownson, of Detroit, Michigan, has at length recognized the necessity
for the republication of his writings, partly because they cannot otherwise be had,
and partly because he is the fairest interpreter of the Roman church to the Ameri-
can people who has yet appeared. The collected writings will be found almost
an exhaustless treasury of discussion in the sphere of politics, philosophy, and
religion.

"The prejudice may exist in some directions that Dr. Brownson was so much
given up to the Roman communion that it is not worth while for Protestants to
consult them. Unquestionably much of his writing is thoroughly partisan ; he was
a good hater, and liked to demolish shams ; but the problems of philosophy are the
same for both Protestant and Catholic, because truth is one and eternally the same,
and Dr. Brownson has stated and illuminated these problems in such a way that
intelligent readers and thinkers cannot afford to overlook his thought. These vol-
umes ought to be widely read ; their thought has come to stay ; and, should some
deal almost exclusively with papal matters, they, nevertheless, are intertwined
through the courses of history with present thought, and possess a certain present
value. Mr. Brownson is rendering a great service to Christian philosophy in
America in making his father's writings accessible and in bringing them out ;n
good style ; and the collected works, though seemingly formidable for the private
library, will be indispensable to all who are to do the intelligent thinking for the rest
of the century." — Boston Daily Advertiser.

" The twentieth and final volume of the writings of Orestes A. Brownson, col-
lected, arranged, and published at Detroit by his son, Henry F. Brownson, con-
tains sundry explanatory, and miscellaneous papers, and an index of subjects
embracing all the volumes and filling nearly two hundred pages, which is a marvel
of painstaking labor. The son certainly has reared a noble monument to his father's
memory in collecting these writings. The elder Brownson was one of the freshest
thinkers, ablest disputants, and skilled writers of English we have ever had.
Scarcely any reader could fail to get intellectual quickening and profit from reading
his essays, if only as specimens of keen English."— Boston Journal.

' Dr. Brownson was in no sense the founder of a school, any more than Em-
erson was. But like Emerson, he has exerted an influence upon the thought of his
time and age, and upon the thought of thousands who are utterly unconscious
of such influence. His writings, now collected for the first time, are not only a

ADVERTISEMENT. yil

mine of literary and philosophical wealth, but one of the best studies extant in the
art of the essayist." — Detroit Free Press.

"The late Dr. Brownson was undoubtedly the greatest and most original thinker
that America has ever produced. This fact is admitted by non-Catholics as well
as by Catholics. For profound philosophical or metaphysical speculation, cogency

of reasoning, logical force, and dialectic skill, he is facile princeps

In the higher branches of philosophical research which includes such subjects
as ontology and metaphysical theology, he was profoundly original, and, as has been
truly remarked by one of his admirers, he has laid down the basis of natural religion
with all the profundity of Plato, and all the precision of Aristotle. Typographically
the volumes cannot be surpassed. The type is clear, the paper of the finest and
best The book is certainly a credit to Detroit, and could not be excelled by any
publishing house in the country." — Toronto Tribune.

"Dr. Orestes A. Brownson was a man of gigantic intellect, profound and
varied study, and nothing seemed too deep, nor any subject too great for him. He
fearlessly met and refuted error wherever found, and no matter how ably concealed
by fine phrases and plausible reasoning, he exposed it in so ^ble and direct
and exhaustive a manner that nothing further was left to be said on the sub-
ject. To any young man tainted with the materialistic tendencies of the day, no
better course of reading could be recommended than a series of Dr. Brownson's es-
says. If carefully read they would have the same effect on his moral and intellect-
ual nature that a season of the mountains or seaside, inhaling the pure, invigorating
air, laden with the stimulating odors of wood and sea, would have on him physically
after spending years in a crowded city, breathing its vitiated atmosphere, and hav-
ing his sensibilities blunted by its dissipations and distractions." — American
Catholic News.

" No clergyman or intelligent layman, can afford not to have his library graced
with Brownson's works. They are within the reach of purse, and should be within
the reach of scholarly taste It would be a serious reflection on the 'learned pro-
fession' not to possess, read, and study them. It would be an especial reproach
on Catholic Americans, laying claim to more than ordinary intelligence,
not to honor thus their distinguished countryman, whose fame and name as a pub-
licist, polemic, and metaphysician, cover both hemispheres. In all of which his
English is pure and classical, his reasoning powerful and incisive ; sophistry
writhes before his penetrating and dissecting mind ; falsehood and sham are un-
masked by his keen logic.

"His political writings are of special interest to Americans, as they deal largely
and learnedly with questions intimately and closely connected with the social and
political phases of our country. Very few, in fact hardly any, of his political es-
says, are obsolete. They are as full of interest to-day as when first published,
and can be read with as much profit now as they were then. They show a whole-
some independence of thought, and freedom and clearness of expression that is
positively refreshing. Many of our so-called essays and reviews have a soporofic
tendency. Brownson's essays and reviews, no matter on what subject, have the
contrary effect. They keep the reader's attention riveted from the first line to the
last. They leave an impress for good on the reader's mind. Brownson never
.wrote a line for an ad captandum effect. He wrote as he felt. He was honest in
nis views, and fearless in expressing them. For this he was often maligned, more
often misunderstood. He was too honest for his day. Since he has passed away,

Vlll ADVERTISEMENT.

much of what was then wrongly or maliciously interpreted in his writings is now
accepted as true and sound.

"Brownson abhorred superficial writing and thinking. He argued from first
principles. On these he built and thought and wrote. Seldom did he err in "his
conclusions, which he expressed in language clear, acute, profound.

•"His reviews of books and other publications are unequalled. In them he gives
the reader an insight into the depth and breadth of his mind and scholarly attain-
ments. Whatever he reviewed in the literary world he reviewed honestly and
conscientiously, giving praise where due, and picking flaws and exposing error
where found." — The Catholic Universe.

" His power as a writer lies principally in the exposition of the principles of
faith or reason. When he developed these principles and their consequences,
he seemed armed with the club and the might of Hercules. With these he crushed
the Hydra of error with its many heads of heresy, infidelity, and atheism. His
style was clear and forcible, and so likewise were the trains of thought and reason-
ing of which it was the expression. 'A certain childlike simplicity and candor,'
says the Rev. C. L. Jenkins, 'an apparent love of truth which sought for no disguise,
and a boldness of spirit which took no account of earthly considerations, gave to his
writings a singular charm and influence.'

"We have now had frequent occasions of commenting on the style of Brownson in
reviewing one after another of the many volumes of his works that have already ap-
peared. The more we become conversant with his articles, the more satisfied we
are of the merits by which they are marked. The fourth part of the writings in
defence of the Church appears to us exceedingly valuable. The doctrinal articles
are singularly lucid, orthodox, and moderate ; indeed, we doubt whether the next
generation of English-reading Catholics will have, . . . any complete body
of works defending and illustrating the Catholic religion more luminous and read-
able than that of Orestes Brownson We are struck by the lucid and brilliant .
writing of this great doctor, and goon reading, entranced by the music and wisdom
of the strain. We never get weary of the volumes of Dr. Brownson's works, for
though many, they are void of repetition, and always charming, through their
easy, fluent, and attractive style, which flows like milk and honey." — The London
Tablet.

Also taken from Brownson's Works and sold Separately,
bound in cloth, 8vo.

THE SPIRIT-RAPPER ; An Autobiography, - - $1.00
AN ESSAY IN REFUTATION OF ATHEISM, ,60
THE TWO BROTHERS ; or, Why are you a Prot-
estant ?-------- 60

UNCLE JACK AND HIS NEPHEW ; or Conversa-
tions of an Old Fogy and a Young American. .00

Order from your bookseller, or from

HENRY F. BROWNSON.
33 & 35 West Congress St ., Detroit Mich.

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